Part 7 (1/2)
To ”MR WEBSTER”
Itremark in the above important letter, that the viehich it presents of the nature of the government established by the Constitution is precisely that taken by Mr Webster in the various speeches in which the subject is discussed by him
The President of the United States felt the ireat constitutional struggle of the session There were reat ability enlisted in support of his administration, Messrs Forsyth, Grundy, Dallas, Rives, and others, but no one coreat Southern leader The general political position of Mr Webster ree his duty to sustain the administration in any party measure, but the reverse
But his whole course as a public man, and all his principles, forbade hireat crisis of the country's fortunes The adle for the preservation of the Union, and the integrity of the Constitution The doctrines of the proclamation were the doctrines of his speech on Foot's resolution almost to the words He would have been unjust to his most cherished principles and his views of public duty had he not come to the rescue, not of the administration, but of the country, in this hour of her peril His aid was personally solicited in the great debate on the ”Force Bill” by a ranted till the bill had undergone iiven cordially, without stint and without condition[20]
In the recess of Congress in the year 1833, Mr Webster made a short journey to the Middle States and the West He was everywhere the object of the uished and respectful attentions Public receptions took place at Buffalo and Pittsburg, where, under the auspices of cohest respectability, he addressed ies convened without distinction of party Invitations to sis reached hied by want of leisure to decline
The friendly relations into which Mr Webster had been draith the President, and the enthusiastic welcoiven to the President on his tour to the East, in the summer of 1833, awakened jealousy in certain quarters It was believed at the ti the motives which actuated so his hostility to the Bank of the United States, was that of bringing forward a question of great interest both to the public and the President, on which he would be sure to encounter Mr
Webster's opposition
Such a subject was the removal of the deposits of the public moneys from the Bank of the United States, a measure productive of er train of evil consequences than perhaps any similar measure in our political history It was finally determined upon while the President was on his Northern tour, in the suland those warm dereat nullification struggle had inspired It is proper to state, that up to this period, in the judgress appointed to investigate its affairs, in the opinion of both houses of Congress, who in 1832 had passed a bill to renew the charter, and of the House of Representatives, which had resolved that the deposits were safe in its custody, the affairs of the bank had been conducted with prudence, integrity, and remarkable skill It was not the least evil consequence of the warfare waged upon the bank, that it was finally drawn into a position (though not till its Congressional charter expired, and it accepted very unwisely a charter as a State institution) in which, in its desperate struggle to sustain itself, it finally forfeited the confidence of its friends and the public, and made a deplorable and shameful shi+pwreck at once of its interests and honor, involving hundreds, at home and abroad, in its own deserved ruin
The second administration of General Jackson, which com on this war against the bank, and in the effort to build up the league of the associated banks into an efficient fiscal agent of the governerous crisis of affairs in South Carolina had, for the tie of the ”Force Bill” had vindicated the authority of the Constitution as the supreme law of the land, and had armed the President with the needed powers to maintain it On the other hand, the Coradual reduction of all duties to one uniform rate of twenty per cent, was accepted by Mr Calhoun and his friends as a practical concession, and furnished the what they deemed a not discreditable retreat from the attitude of arding this bill in the light of a concession to unconstitutionalto the eventual prostration of all the interests which had grown up under the systeovernment, Mr Webster felt himself compelled to withhold from it his support He rejoiced, however, in the concurrence of events which had averted the dread appeal to arms that seemed at one time unavoidable
It would occupy an unreasonable space to dwell upon every public ress at this session; but there is one which cannot with propriety be passed over, as it drew forth froument not inferior to his speech on the ”Force Bill” A resolution, originallydisapprobation of the removal of the deposits from the bank, was, after material amendments, adopted by the Senate This resolution led to a formal protest from the President, co upon the resolution referred to as one of expediency, it is probable that Mr
Webster did not warh, with Mr Calhoun, he concurred in, its passage The protest of the President, however, placed the subject on new ground Mr Webster considered it as an encroachhts of the Senate, and as a denial to that body of the freedom of action which the executive claily addressed the Senate on the 7th of May, in a speech of the highest ability, in which the doctrines of the protest were subjected to the severest scrutiny, and the constitutional rights and duties of the Senate asserted with a force and spirit worthy of the iovernment
This speech will be ever e on the extent of the power of England, which will be quoted with adland retains her place in the fahout the country with the highest favor; by the uished jurists and statesmen as well as by the e of praise passes the limits of moderation ”You never,” said he, ”equalled this effort It surpasses every thing in logic, in siy of diction, in clearness, in rebuke, in sarcas, in just and profound constitutional views, in critical severity, and th It is worth millions to our liberties” Not less decided was the approbation of a gentleacity and experience as a states to Mr Tyler he uses this language: ”Tell Webster froencer with more pleasure than any I have lately seen If the approbation of one who has not been used to coincide with hirateful to hiree with him perfectly, and thank him cordially for his ht If it is published in a paood Russia leather, and leave it as a special legacy to ress, Mr Webster spoke frequently on the presentation of memorials, which were poured in upon hi distress These speeches were of necessity made, in almost every case, with little or no preparation, but many of them contain expositions of the operation of the financial experiment instituted by General Jackson, which will retain a permanent value in our political history Sohest eloquence The entire subject of the currency was also treated with great ability by Mr Webster, in a report ress from the committee of the Senate on finance, of which he was chairested or powerfully reasoned have proceeded from his pen
The same topics substantially occupied the attention of the Senate at the Twenty-fourth as at the Twenty-third Congress The principal subjects discussed pertained to the currency The specie circular and the distribution of the surplus revenue were a the proe from its records the resolution of March, 1834, by which the Senate expressed its disapprobation of the removal of the deposits, drew forth froue, a protest against that ular earnestness and power Co, and read with unusual solemnity, it produced upon the Senate an effect which is still rehed as in a balance
The ad to a close; Mr Van Buren had been chosen to succeed hi, upon an invitation froe coenerally of New York, given soreat public s which he has been so often called to address His speech on this occasion, delivered in Niblo's Saloon on the 15th of March, 1837, is one of the most important in this collection It embraced a comprehensive review of the entire course of General Jackson's policy, and closed with a prediction of the iress, Mr Webster made a hasty tour to the West, in the course of which he addressed large public inia, at Madison in Indiana, and at other places The coincidence of passing events with all his anticipations of the certain effects of the adave peculiar force to these addresses It is to be regretted that these speeches appear from inadequate reports; of some of the speeches made by him on this tour, no notes were taken
Such was the financial embarrassment induced by the explosion of the system of the late administration, that President Van Buren's first official act was a proclaress, to be held in Septeovernment plan of finance, usually called ”the Sub-treasury systeht forward
It was the opinion of Mr Webster, that the rigid enforceovernment of a system of specie payments in all its public receipts and expenditures was an actual is in this country and the other commercial countries of the civilized world The atteether the aid of convertible paper, of bills of exchange, of drafts, and other substitutes for the use and transportation of the precious metals, reat mass of the business affairs of the community are transacted with their aid If the atteh, it would be like an atteovernment to make use of the ancient modes of travel and conveyance, while every citizen in his private affairs enjoyed the benefit of stealy opposed the sub-treasury project from its inception; and it failed to becoress in 1837
Soenerally, it received the support of Mr Calhoun In common with most of his friends, he had sustained the Bank of the United States, and denounced the financial policy of General Jackson at every stage But at the extra session of Congress he expressed opinions favorable to the sub-treasury, and followed them up in a remarkable letter to his constituents, published after the adjournovernment plan in an elaborate speech This speech drew from Mr
Webster a very able reply He had, earlier in the session, delivered his sentiovernment measure, and Mr Calhoun, in his speech of the 15th of February, 1838, had animadverted upon them, and represented the sub-treasury system as little more than an attempt to carry out the joint resolution of the 30th of April, 1816, which, as we have seen above, was introduced by Mr Webster, and was the i specie payments after the war
This reference, as well as the whole tenor of Mr Calhoun's remarks, called upon Mr Webster for a rejoinder, which was made by him on the 12th of March It is the most elaborate and effective of Mr Webster's speeches on the subject of the currency[22] The constitutional right of the general government to employ a convertible paper in its fiscal transactions, and to make use of banks in the custody and transued in this speech with much ability, from the necessity of the case, from the contemporaneous expositions of the Constitution, froovernment under every administration, from the expressed views and opinions of every President of the United States, including General Jackson, and fro states Mr Calhoun himself, whose course in this respect was reviewed by Mr Webster soest the idea of inconsistency, although no such charge was made
To some portions of this speech Mr Calhoun replied a feeeks afterwards, and sought to ward off the comments upon his own course in reference to this class of questions, by some severe strictures on that of Mr Webster This drew froe may be extracted as a speci that, he [Mr Calhoun] has so else to say He had prepared, it seems, to draw co, if time had allowed, upon our respective opinions and conduct in regard to the war If tieneral reht not to be, cannot be, left to produce its effect, when that effect is obviously intended to be unfavorable Why did the gentle the war at all, unless he had so to say? Does he wish to leave an undefined i said, bynot reconcilable with true patriotis the matter forth; let him take the responsibility of the accusation; let him state his facts I am here to answer; I am here, this day, to answer Now is the tiood spirits would not bring against the Arch-eneeneral reproach, an imputation without fact, tientleman knows my whole conduct well; indeed, the journals show it all, froress till the peace If I have done, then, Sir, any thing unpatriotic, any thing which, as far as love to country goes, will not bear comparison with his or any man's conduct, let it now be stated Give me the fact, the time, the manner He speaks of the war; that which we call the late war, though it is noenty-five years since it terminated He would leave an iress as declared, nor in public life anywhere I was pursuing es and jurors, and plaintiffs and defendants If I had been in Congress, and had enjoyed the benefit of hearing the honorable gentleht have concurred with hile hour; and was in no situation, therefore, to oppose or to support the declaration of war I aentleman has any fact, let us know it
”Well, Sir, I ca And what did I do here to oppose it? Look to the journals Let the honorable gentle to bring up, not showing error of opinion, but shoant of loyalty or fidelity to the country I did not agree to all that was proposed, nor did the honorable member I did not approve of every measure, nor did he The war had been preceded by the restrictive systeo As a private individual, I certainly did not think well of these o annoyed ourselves as much as our enemies, while it destroyed the business and cramped the spirits of the people In this opinion I entleman was himself of the same opinion He told us the other day, as a proof of his independence of party on great questions, that he differed with his friends on the subject of the eo He was decidedly and unalterably opposed to it It furnishes in his judgment, therefore, no imputation either on my patriotism, or on the soundness of my political opinions, that I was opposed to it also I ress, and had nothing to do with the act creating the e on the war, after I caentle for an answer, and he shall have an answer
”Mr President, you were yourself in the House during a considerable part of this tientleman may make a witness of you He may make a witness of any body else He e, so proved or disproved Prove any thing, state any thing, not consistent with honorable and patriotic conduct, and I alad this subject has been alluded to in apublic notice of it; because I am well aware that, for ten years past, infinite pains has been taken to find soht create prejudice against me in the country The journals have all been pored over, and the reports ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs and half-sentences have been collected, fraudulently put together, and then made to flare out as if there had been some discovery But all this failed The next resort was to supposed correspondence My letters were sought for, to learn if, in the confidence of private friendshi+p, I had ever said any thing which an enemy could make use of With this view, the vicinity of hted candle New Hampshi+re has been explored from the mouth of the Merrientleone five hundred miles off, and died His papers were examined; a letter was found, and, I have understood, it was brought to Washi+ngton; a conclave was held to consider it, and the result was, that, if there was nothing else against Mr Webster, the matter had better be let alone Sir, I hope to e of want of patriotism Errors of opinion can be found, doubtless, on s which aniin in the want of ardent love of country”
This is the only occasion during the long political lives of these distinguished statesh a Congressional career which brought them of necessity much in contact with each other, in which there was any approach to personality in their keen encounters In fact, of all the highly eminent public men of the day, they are the individuals who have made the least use of the favorite weapon of ordinary politicians, personality toward opponents