Part 16 (1/2)

Lincoln, after delivering his farewell address in Springfield, tried to write it down on a b.u.mpy train. He finally dictated it to John Nicolay, who completed writing the brief speech.

Back in Springfield, Lincoln's friend James Conkling described the audience's response to Lincoln's farewell remarks when he wrote his son, Clinton, a good friend of Bob Lincoln's, the next day. As for the crowd, ”Many eyes were filled to overflowing.” Of ”Mr. Lincoln,” his ”breast heaved with emotion and he could scarcely command his feelings sufficiently to commence.”

In the next day's paper, Edward L. Baker editorialized in the Journal, the Journal, ”We have known Mr. Lincoln for many years; we have heard him speak upon a hundred different occasions; but we never saw him so profoundly affected, nor did he ever utter an address which seemed to us so full of simple and touching eloquence.” ”We have known Mr. Lincoln for many years; we have heard him speak upon a hundred different occasions; but we never saw him so profoundly affected, nor did he ever utter an address which seemed to us so full of simple and touching eloquence.”

Lincoln's farewell words did not stay in Springfield. His remarks appeared in newspapers the next day and in Harper's Weekly. Harper's Weekly. Citizens in large cities and small towns across America were eager to know more about this gangly rail splitter from the West who was about to become their president. Citizens in large cities and small towns across America were eager to know more about this gangly rail splitter from the West who was about to become their president.

LINCOLN'S JOURNEY TO WAs.h.i.+NGTON would provide his first opportunity to speak to the American people since his election three months earlier. He would see and be seen by more people in more places than any American president before him. After Lincoln's extended silence, politicians, press, and ordinary people were eager to take his measure. Yet his speeches on his journey from Springfield to Was.h.i.+ngton have usually been overlooked or undervalued. would provide his first opportunity to speak to the American people since his election three months earlier. He would see and be seen by more people in more places than any American president before him. After Lincoln's extended silence, politicians, press, and ordinary people were eager to take his measure. Yet his speeches on his journey from Springfield to Was.h.i.+ngton have usually been overlooked or undervalued.

Seward had urged Lincoln in December 1860 to make the long trip through some of the most populous states, from the prairies of Illinois, across central Indiana and Ohio, down to Cincinnati to the Southern border on the Ohio River. In Cleveland and Pittsburgh, Lincoln would encounter people on the western border of the urban-industrial edge of an expanding America. He would arrive in New York in a region settled by New England Yankees and proceed through the center of the state to New York City. He looked forward to his visit to Independence Hall in Philadelphia, the birthplace of the nation. The twelve-day trip would cover 1,904 miles over the tracks of eighteen separate railroads. Lincoln's itinerary called for him to arrive in the nation's capital to a gala reception late on Sat.u.r.day afternoon, February 23, 1861, ten days before his inauguration.

The events of the twelve days took on the festive moods of a carnival, a political rally, and a religious revival. Between the major cities, the train would make numerous stops at small towns decorated with American flags. Lincoln would say again and again that the celebrations were not about a person, but about an office and a nation. He insisted that the guest lists should not be partisan. In that spirit, he invited supporters of Stephen Douglas, John Breckinridge, and John Bell to ride with him.

Whatever the original reasons for the journey, by the time of Lincoln's departure from Springfield it had become controversial. Seward had long ago changed his mind about the wisdom of the trip. He wrote on December 29, 1860, informing Lincoln of a Southern plot to seize the capital on or before March 4. Seward stated, ”I therefore renew my suggestion of your coming earlier than you otherwise would-and coming in by surprise-without announcement.” Lincoln did not take Seward's counsel and continued planning his extended preinaugural trip. Nicolay wrote that Lincoln ”had no fondness for public display,” but well understood ”the importance of personal confidence and live sympathy” between a leader and his const.i.tuents.

AS IF LINCOLN'S TRAIN TRIP to Was.h.i.+ngton were not drama enough, a second train with another president-elect departed on the same day, February 11, 1861, bound for his own inauguration. Only one week before Lincoln's departure, on February 4, delegates from six Southern states gathered in Montgomery, Alabama, to begin the task of hammering out a new nation. Four days later, this Confederate convention adopted a provisional const.i.tution. The next day, they unanimously elected a provisional president, Jefferson Davis, and a provisional vice president, Lincoln's friend Alexander Stephens of Georgia. to Was.h.i.+ngton were not drama enough, a second train with another president-elect departed on the same day, February 11, 1861, bound for his own inauguration. Only one week before Lincoln's departure, on February 4, delegates from six Southern states gathered in Montgomery, Alabama, to begin the task of hammering out a new nation. Four days later, this Confederate convention adopted a provisional const.i.tution. The next day, they unanimously elected a provisional president, Jefferson Davis, and a provisional vice president, Lincoln's friend Alexander Stephens of Georgia.

Starting on February 11, 1861, all eyes across the nation were fixed on not one but two trains. After departing from Springfield, Lincoln's moved slowly east through Indianapolis, Columbus, and Pittsburgh toward Was.h.i.+ngton. Davis, after leaving his plantation, Brierfield, in Mssissippi, was carried by boat to Vicksburg, and then traveled by train in a roundabout route to Jackson, Chattanooga, and Atlanta, and then west toward Montgomery, the Confederate capital. The public's fascination with these two journeys to two capitals was chronicled in the New York Times New York Times on February 11, 1861, in two columns placed side by side: on February 11, 1861, in two columns placed side by side: The New Administration The New Confederacy The New Confederacy

LINCOLN'S TRAIN ARRIVED at its first overnight stop at Indianapolis right on schedule at 5 p.m. on February 11, 1861. Governor Oliver P. Morton, Indiana's first native-born governor, welcomed Lincoln who, on the first of many occasions, had to reply extemporaneously to welcoming words by a local politician. In his remarks Lincoln offered what would become an oft-repeated demur: ”I do not expect, upon this occasion, or on any occasion, till after I get to Was.h.i.+ngton, to attempt any lengthy speech.” at its first overnight stop at Indianapolis right on schedule at 5 p.m. on February 11, 1861. Governor Oliver P. Morton, Indiana's first native-born governor, welcomed Lincoln who, on the first of many occasions, had to reply extemporaneously to welcoming words by a local politician. In his remarks Lincoln offered what would become an oft-repeated demur: ”I do not expect, upon this occasion, or on any occasion, till after I get to Was.h.i.+ngton, to attempt any lengthy speech.”

Lincoln referred to himself as an ”accidental instrument.” He would work with this metaphor in several ways in the days ahead. In Indianapolis, he restricted his responsibility as president by saying his role was ”temporary” and ”for a limited time.” His real purpose, he said, was to encourage the responsibilities ordinary citizens must ask of one another.

During an evening reception for members of the Indiana legislature, Lincoln grew impatient as he asked for the speeches that he had entrusted to his son. The boy and the bag were missing. When Robert, who was being called ”the Prince of rails” by his young friends, finally arrived, he explained that he had left the oilcloth bag with the hotel clerk. Lincoln bid a hasty departure to the reception, and his long legs carried him quickly down the stairs to the hotel lobby. Burrowing through the pile of luggage, Lincoln attacked the first bag that looked like his, but it surrendered only a dirty s.h.i.+rt, playing cards, and a half-empty whiskey bottle. He quickly discovered his bag and recovered the copies of the inaugural address and other speeches, the whole episode good for a laugh at the end of an exhausting day.

While in Indianapolis, Lincoln gave Orville H. Browning, who had accompanied Lincoln on the train, one of the copies of his inaugural address. Upon his return to Springfield, Browning wrote his response to Lincoln. He made a single proposal, which he wrote at the bottom of the page of Lincoln's text. He suggested that Lincoln ”modify” the pa.s.sage: ”All the power at my disposal will be used to reclaim the public property and places which have fallen; to hold, occupy and possess these, and all other property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties on imports; but beyond what may be necessary for these, there will be no invasion of any State.”

Browning told Lincoln, ”On principle the pa.s.sage is right as it now stands. The fallen places ought to be reclaimed. But cannot that be accomplished as well, or even better without announcing the purpose in your inaugural?” He suggested revising the sentence to delete the clause, ”to reclaim the public property and places which have fallen.”

JEFFERSON DAVIS'S PRESIDENTIAL TRAIN pulled into Jackson, Mississippi, on the evening of February 11, 1861. Encircled by well-wishers, he spoke at the capitol to an audience that ”occupied every available inch of s.p.a.ce.” Davis declared that he deplored war but would face it ”with stern serenity of one who knows his duty and intends to perform it.” He a.s.serted that England and France will ”not allow our great staple to be dammed up within our limits.” Finally, if war came, Davis promised to ”go forward ... with a firm resolve to do his duty as G.o.d might grant him power. ” pulled into Jackson, Mississippi, on the evening of February 11, 1861. Encircled by well-wishers, he spoke at the capitol to an audience that ”occupied every available inch of s.p.a.ce.” Davis declared that he deplored war but would face it ”with stern serenity of one who knows his duty and intends to perform it.” He a.s.serted that England and France will ”not allow our great staple to be dammed up within our limits.” Finally, if war came, Davis promised to ”go forward ... with a firm resolve to do his duty as G.o.d might grant him power. ”

THE PRESIDENTIAL SPECIAL arrived in Columbus on February 13, 1861, punctually at 2 p.m. Lincoln went directly to the capitol, where he addressed the Ohio legislature. In his prepared remarks he said, ”I have not maintained silence from any want to real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. ... We entertain different views upon political questions, but n.o.body is suffering anything.” arrived in Columbus on February 13, 1861, punctually at 2 p.m. Lincoln went directly to the capitol, where he addressed the Ohio legislature. In his prepared remarks he said, ”I have not maintained silence from any want to real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. ... We entertain different views upon political questions, but n.o.body is suffering anything.”

Lincoln's remark ”there is nothing going wrong” added to the controversy that was building toward his inauguration. Supporters contended that his remarks were part of a strategy to diminish public alarm. Critics argued that Lincoln's remarks exposed a president-elect out of touch with the forces gearing up for civil war.

Meanwhile, Jefferson Davis traveled through Mississippi and Alabama on February 14, 1861, the firing of cannons welcoming him at many stops. In Stevenson, in northeastern Alabama, he told the crowd he expected the border states to become part of the Confederate States of America within sixty days. He also declared that ”England will recognize us, and ... gra.s.s will grow in the northern cities where the pavements have been worn off by the tread of commerce.” Davis concluded by saying he ”hopes for peace but is prepared for war.”

on the morning of february 15, 1861, Lincoln spoke from the balcony of the Monongahela House in Pittsburgh to a crowd of five thousand standing under umbrellas. After Columbus, he was determined to sidestep questions about an impending civil war and instead spoke about the tariff, a topic of great importance in Pennsylvania. He declared that because there was no direct taxation, a tariff was necessary. ”The tariff is to the government what a meal is to the family.” In speaking about protections for home industries, Lincoln stated, ”I must confess I do not understand the subject in all its multiform bearings.”

Villard characterized the Pittsburgh speech as ”the least creditable performance” of the entire trip. ”What he said was really nothing but crude, ignorant twaddle.” He believed that this speech proved Lincoln to be ”the veriest novice in economic matters.”

Next, Lincoln backtracked to Cleveland. Here he was entering greater New England, for the northern tier of Ohio was settled by westward-moving Yankees from the New England states. New England, and by extension northern New York and northern Ohio, were the regions that supported abolitionism most strongly. Cheering spectators stood in deep mud along Euclid Street. Lincoln told the a.s.sembled crowd, ”Frequent allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis.”

These remarks only fueled the controversy begun in Columbus. Did the president-elect not understand the escalating crisis?

The nation's greatest orator read the daily newspaper reports of Lincoln's speeches. Edward Everett, a native of Ma.s.sachusetts, had served with distinction in a multiplicity of offices for over four decades. He began as a young professor at Harvard in 1819 and later returned as president of the nation's oldest college. Everett served Ma.s.sachusetts as congressman, senator, and governor and represented the United States as secretary of state and minister to England. On February 15, 1861, he wrote in his diary, ”These speeches thus far have been of the most ordinary kind, dest.i.tute of everything, not merely of felicity and grace, but of common pertinence.” Everett, who believed that speeches were a mirror revealing the character of the person, had formed an opinion about Lincoln. ”He is evidently a person of very inferior cast of character, wholly unequal to the crisis.”

LINCOLN LEFT C CLEVELAND on the morning of February 16, 1861. The train traveled east again, through Ohio and across the northwest corner of Pennsylvania. Entering New York, the Presidential Special chugged along the sh.o.r.e of Lake Erie. The first stop was Westfield, where a banner was stretched across the tracks emblazoned, ”Welcome Abraham Lincoln to the Empire State.” on the morning of February 16, 1861. The train traveled east again, through Ohio and across the northwest corner of Pennsylvania. Entering New York, the Presidential Special chugged along the sh.o.r.e of Lake Erie. The first stop was Westfield, where a banner was stretched across the tracks emblazoned, ”Welcome Abraham Lincoln to the Empire State.”

He told the crowd that several months earlier he had received a letter from a ”young lady” from Westfield. His correspondent recommended that he ”let his whiskers grow, as it would improve my personal appearance.” Lincoln had accepted her counsel, and now he wished to know if she was present in the crowd. A small boy cried out, ”There she is Mr. Lincoln.” Grace Bedell, a blus.h.i.+ng eleven-year-old girl with dark eyes, stepped from the crowd, and President-elect Lincoln gave her several hearty kisses ”amid the yells of delight from the excited crowd.”

Lincoln arrived in Buffalo in the afternoon. Exhausted, at the half-way point of his long train trip, he rested on the Sabbath, attending church the next day with former president Millard Fillmore. Across the street from Lincoln's hotel, a banner on the Young Men's Christian a.s.sociation building was inscribed with words of reply to Lincoln's farewell remarks at Springfield: ”We Will Pray For You.”

Lincoln, upon his arrival in Westfield, New York, asked to see Grace Bedell, the young girl who had written to tell him he would look better in whiskers.

JEFFERSON DAVIS ENDURED his longest day of traveling and speaking on February 16, 1861. Arriving in Atlanta at about four o'clock in the morning, he spoke at midmorning, taking aim at Northern abolitionism, especially ”its systematic aggression upon the const.i.tutional rights of the South for the last forty years.” his longest day of traveling and speaking on February 16, 1861. Arriving in Atlanta at about four o'clock in the morning, he spoke at midmorning, taking aim at Northern abolitionism, especially ”its systematic aggression upon the const.i.tutional rights of the South for the last forty years.”

After the speech, Davis boarded his special car on the Atlanta and West Point Railroad and headed west across Georgia. During the day he stopped to speak in Fairburn, Palmetto, Newman, Grantville, LaGrange, and West Point. At each stop he was greeted by women waving their handkerchiefs. Entering Alabama, the Davis train stopped for speeches at Opelika and Auburn. A correspondent for the New York Tribune New York Tribune reported that Davis would give elements of the same speech several times during his many stops. Davis arrived in Montgomery, Alabama, at 10 p.m. at the completion of his eight-hundred-mile train trip. reported that Davis would give elements of the same speech several times during his many stops. Davis arrived in Montgomery, Alabama, at 10 p.m. at the completion of his eight-hundred-mile train trip.

On Monday, February 18, 1861, while Lincoln's train traveled through the Mohawk Valley toward Albany, Lincoln learned that Jefferson Davis had taken the oath of office as provisional president of the Confederate States of America, and Alexander Stephens the oath of office as vice president. In Montgomery, Davis gave his inaugural address from the portico of the Alabama capitol building, which was now the capitol of the Confederacy. Without a national anthem, the band played ”La Ma.r.s.eillaise,” the national anthem of France.

Davis spoke to his fellow Southerners, to the citizens of the United States, and to foreign nations who had a vital interest in the availability of cotton. He never mentioned Lincoln. The speech was remarkably mild; some in the audience had expected to hear a trumpet call to war. As for oratory, the second sentence of the address was typical.

Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our career as a Confederacy may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have a.s.serted, and, with the blessing of Providence, intend to maintain.

This sentence of one hundred words reveals the limitations of Davis's leaders.h.i.+p. The sentences would only get longer as the speech unfolded. The contrast to Lincoln's economy of language and rhetorical artistry would become even more apparent in the four years to come.

LINCOLN ARRIVED IN NEW YORK CITY on Tuesday, February 19, 1861, at 3 p.m. with what had to be mixed emotions. He was returning to the scene of his triumph at Cooper Union the previous winter, but though he had carried the state in the election, he received less than 35 percent of the vote in the city. on Tuesday, February 19, 1861, at 3 p.m. with what had to be mixed emotions. He was returning to the scene of his triumph at Cooper Union the previous winter, but though he had carried the state in the election, he received less than 35 percent of the vote in the city.

An apprehensive crowd estimated at more than two hundred thousand greeted Lincoln. One astute observer was Walt Whitman, the young poet who was in the midst of negotiations with a Boston publisher to bring out an expanded third edition of his Leaves of Gra.s.s. Leaves of Gra.s.s. Whitman found himself on the top of a Broadway omnibus stalled in traffic. He took the measure of Lincoln for the first time. Whitman found himself on the top of a Broadway omnibus stalled in traffic. He took the measure of Lincoln for the first time.

I had, I say, a capital view of it all, and especially of Mr. Lincoln, his look and gait-his perfect composure and coolness-his unusual and uncouth height, his dress of complete black, stovepipe hat pushed back on the head, darkbrown complexion, seam'd and wrinkled yet canny-looking face, black, bushy head of hair, disproportionately long neck, and his hands held behind him as he stood observing the people.

Whitman wrote of Lincoln, ”He look'd with curiosity upon that immense sea of faces, and the sea of faces return'd the look with similar curiosity.”

The poet spied hostility as well as curiosity and admiration in the crowd. ”Many an a.s.sa.s.sin's knife and pistol lurk'd in hip or breast-pocket there, ready, as soon as break and riot came.”

Another interested eyewitness was George Templeton Strong. Strong, a lawyer, Episcopal vestryman, and trustee of Columbia College, was a careful observer of political events. In 1835, at age fifteen, he began to write in uniform blank books every evening before he went to bed. He wrote for the next forty years. The diary, ultimately comprising nearly four and a half million words, would remain unknown to the public for more than fifty years after Strong's death in 1875. A supporter of Seward, Strong had been following Lincoln's trip as it wound its way toward New York. He wrote an appraisal in his diary. ”Lincoln is making little speeches as he wends his way towards Was.h.i.+ngton, and has said some things that are sound and credible and raise him in my esteem.” However, Strong confided, ”But I should have been better pleased with him had he held his tongue altogether.”

Strong walked uptown on Broadway the next afternoon to join the crowd welcoming Lincoln. Later that evening Strong recorded in his diary, ”The great rail-splitter's face was visible to me for an instant, and seemed a keen, clear, honest face, not so ugly as his portraits.”

AFTER LINCOLN HAD SPENT more than a week on the Presidential Special, newspapers across the North and South began to weigh in with their a.s.sessments of his preinaugural speeches. The more than a week on the Presidential Special, newspapers across the North and South began to weigh in with their a.s.sessments of his preinaugural speeches. The Baltimore Sun, Baltimore Sun, with ardent Southern sympathies, offered the opinion, ”He approaches the capital of the country more in the character of a harlequin,” or a character in a comedy. ”There is that about his speechification which, if it were not for the gravity of the occasion, would be ludicrous.” The pro-Lincoln with ardent Southern sympathies, offered the opinion, ”He approaches the capital of the country more in the character of a harlequin,” or a character in a comedy. ”There is that about his speechification which, if it were not for the gravity of the occasion, would be ludicrous.” The pro-Lincoln Chicago Tribune Chicago Tribune countered, ”The wiseacres who indulge in criticism of the verbal structure of Mr. Lincoln's recent speeches” were off the mark. The countered, ”The wiseacres who indulge in criticism of the verbal structure of Mr. Lincoln's recent speeches” were off the mark. The Tribune's Tribune's defense pointed out that former presidents George Was.h.i.+ngton and Andrew Jackson did not have the ”gift of gab” when asked to speak extemporaneously. defense pointed out that former presidents George Was.h.i.+ngton and Andrew Jackson did not have the ”gift of gab” when asked to speak extemporaneously.

Yet some pro-Lincoln editors were worried. Samuel Bowles, editor of the Springfield Springfield (Ma.s.sachusetts) (Ma.s.sachusetts) Republican, Republican, had been enthusiastic about Lincoln when he heard him speak in Boston in 1848, and the paper had supported Lincoln in the 1860 election. But Bowles was concerned as he read reports of Lincoln's speeches. On February 26, 1861, he wrote to Henry L. Dawes, a member of Congress from Ma.s.sachusetts, of his discouragement both with Lincoln and the disagreements rankling the Republican Party. Bowles told Dawes, ”Lincoln is a 'simple Susan.' ” had been enthusiastic about Lincoln when he heard him speak in Boston in 1848, and the paper had supported Lincoln in the 1860 election. But Bowles was concerned as he read reports of Lincoln's speeches. On February 26, 1861, he wrote to Henry L. Dawes, a member of Congress from Ma.s.sachusetts, of his discouragement both with Lincoln and the disagreements rankling the Republican Party. Bowles told Dawes, ”Lincoln is a 'simple Susan.' ”

Among Republicans in Congress trepidation abounded. In several speeches, when Lincoln seemed to be supporting coercion of the South, his words were taken to be a refutation of Seward's efforts at conciliation. In other speeches, Lincoln seemed to point toward a policy of moderation. Questioners wondered whether Lincoln was wavering in his position or even certain of his own opinion.

Charles Francis Adams, the son and grandson of presidents, whom Seward would soon propose to Lincoln to become minister to England, was deeply concerned. He confided to his diary on February 20, 1861, ”[Lincoln's speeches] betray a person unconscious of his position as well as the nature of the contest around him.” Adams thought that Lincoln was ”good-natured, kindly,” but he considered the president-elect ”frivolous and uncertain.” In Adams's evaluation, Lincoln's speeches ”put to flight all notions of greatness.”

THE PRESIDENTIAL SPECIAL departed New York at 9:05 a.m. on February 21, 1861, reaching Trenton, the state capital of New Jersey, at 11:50 a.m. Speaking in the Senate chamber, Lincoln told the legislators that of all the accounts of the ”struggles for liberties,” none remained so fixed in his mind as Was.h.i.+ngton crossing the Delaware and winning the battle at Trenton on December 26, 1776. departed New York at 9:05 a.m. on February 21, 1861, reaching Trenton, the state capital of New Jersey, at 11:50 a.m. Speaking in the Senate chamber, Lincoln told the legislators that of all the accounts of the ”struggles for liberties,” none remained so fixed in his mind as Was.h.i.+ngton crossing the Delaware and winning the battle at Trenton on December 26, 1776.

At Indianapolis, Lincoln had spoken of himself as an ”accidental instrument.” At Trenton, he changed his meaning and his metaphor: ”I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, his almost chosen people.” Lincoln often pointed to his humble beginnings, but his depiction of the American people as an ”almost chosen people” is one of his most enigmatic phrases. The concept that Americans were G.o.d's chosen people arrived with the Puritans. This ident.i.ty flourished in the eighteenth century and, whether in secular or religious versions, undergirded the revolutionary generation that founded a new nation in 1776. In the middle of the nineteenth century, Americans added the sense of ”manifest destiny,” the right and duty to inhabit and civilize the whole of the continent to promote the great experiment in democracy.

Lincoln never clarified ”almost.” Is his qualification an allusion to slavery? In an era of absolutes, whether sponsored by abolitionists or secessionists, Lincoln could live comfortably with the uncertainties facing an ”almost chosen people.”

Lincoln reached Philadelphia at 4 p.m. on Thursday, February 21, 1861. In response to greetings from Mayor Alexander Henry, Lincoln declared his fidelity to the Declaration of Independence and the Const.i.tution. ”All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings coming forth from that sacred hall.” Lincoln used fiery imagery from the Psalms to swear his allegiance: ”May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if ever I prove false to those teachings.”