Part 38 (1/2)
Go-s.h.i.+rakawa, the seventy-seventh sovereign, occupied the throne during two years only (1156-1158), but he made his influence felt from the cloister throughout the long period of thirty-four years (1158 to 1192), directing the administration from his ”camera palace”
(Inchu) during the reigns of five Emperors. Ambition impelled him to tread in the footsteps of Go-Sanjo. He re-opened the Office of Records (Kiroku-jo), which that great sovereign had established for the purpose of centralizing the powers of the State, and he sought to recover for the Throne its administrative functions. But his independence was purely nominal, for in everything he took counsel of Fujiwara Michinori (s.h.i.+nzei) and obeyed that statesman's guidance.
Michinori's character is not to be implicitly inferred from the cruel courses suggested by him after the Hogen tumult. He was a man of keen intelligence and profound learning, as learning went in those days: that is to say, he knew the cla.s.sics by heart, had an intimate acquaintance with Buddhism and astrology, and was able to act as interpreter of the Chinese language. With his name is a.s.sociated the origin of the s.h.i.+rabyos.h.i.+, or ”white measure-markers”--girls clad in white, who, by posture and gesture, beat time to music, and, in after ages, became the celebrated geisha of j.a.pan. To the practice of such arts and accomplishments Michinori devoted a great part of his life, and when, in 1140, that is to say, sixteen years before the Hogen disturbance, he received the tonsure, all prospect of an official career seemed to be closed to him. But the accession of Go-s.h.i.+rakawa gave him an opportunity. The Emperor trusted him, and he abused the trust to the further unhappiness of the nation.
THE HEIJI TUMULT
Go-s.h.i.+rakawa's son, Morihito, ascended the throne in 1159 and is known in history as Nijo, the seventy-eighth sovereign of j.a.pan. From the very outset he resented the ex-Emperor's attempt to interfere in the administration of affairs, and the two Courts fell into a state of discord, Fujiwara s.h.i.+nzei inciting the cloistered Emperor to a.s.sert himself, and two other Fujiwara n.o.bles, Tsunemune and Korekata, prompting Nijo to resist. These two, observing that another n.o.ble of their clan, Fujiwara n.o.buyori; was on bad terms with s.h.i.+nzei, approached n.o.buyori and proposed a union against their common enemy. s.h.i.+nzei had committed one great error; he had alienated the Minamoto family. In the Hogen struggle, Yos.h.i.+tomo, the Minamoto chief, an able captain and a brave soldier, had suggested the strategy which secured victory for Go-s.h.i.+rakawa's forces. But in the subsequent distribution of rewards, Yos.h.i.+tomo's claims received scant consideration, his merits being underrated by s.h.i.+nzei.
This had been followed by a still more painful slight. To Yos.h.i.+tomo's formal proposal of a marriage between his daughter and s.h.i.+nzei's son, not only had a refusal been given, but also the nuptials of the youth with the daughter of the Taira chief, Kiyomori, had been subsequently celebrated with much eclat. In short, s.h.i.+nzei chose between the two great military clans, and though such discrimination was neither inconsistent with the previous practice of the Fujiwara nor ill-judged so far as the relative strength of the Minamoto and the Taira was concerned for the moment, it erred egregiously in failing to recognize that the day had pa.s.sed when the military clans could be thus employed as Fujiwara tools. Approached by n.o.buyori, Yos.h.i.+tomo joined hands with the plotters, and the Minamoto troops, forcing their way into the Sanjo palace, set fire to the edifice and killed s.h.i.+nzei (1159). The Taira chief, Kiyomori, happened to be then absent in k.u.mano, and Yos.h.i.+tomo's plan was to attack him on his way back to Kyoto before the Taira forces had mustered. But just as Fujiwara Yorinaga had wrecked his cause in the Hogen tumult by ignoring Minamoto Tametomo's advice, so in the Heiji disturbance, Fujiwara n.o.buyori courted defeat by rejecting Minamoto Yos.h.i.+tomo's strategy.
The Taira, thus accorded leisure to a.s.semble their troops, won such a signal victory that during many years the Minamoto disappeared almost completely from the political stage, and the Taira held the empire in the hollow of their hands.
j.a.panese historians regard Fujiwara s.h.i.+nzei as chiefly responsible for these untoward events. s.h.i.+nzei's record shows him to have been cruel, jealous, and self-seeking, but it has to be admitted that the conditions of the time were calculated to educate men of his type, as is shown by the story of the Hogen insurrection. For when Sutoku's partisans a.s.sembled at the palace of s.h.i.+rakawa, Minamoto Tametomo addressed them thus: ”I fought twenty battles and two hundred minor engagements to win Kyushu, and I say that when an enemy is outnumbered, its best plan is a night attack. If we fire the Takamatsu palace on three sides to-night and a.s.sault it from the fourth, the foe will surely be broken. I see on the other side only one man worthy to be called an enemy. It is my brother Yos.h.i.+tomo, and with a single arrow I can lay him low. As for Taira Kiyomori, he will fall if I do but shake the sleeve of my armour. Before dawn we shall be victors.”
Fujiwara Yorinaga's reply to this counsel was: ”Tametomo's method of fighting is rustic. There are here two Emperors competing for the throne, and the combat must be conducted in a fair and dignified manner.” To such silliness the Minamoto hero made apt answer. ”War,”
he said, ”is not an affair of official ceremony and decorum. Its management were better left to the bus.h.i.+ whose business it is. My brother Yos.h.i.+tomo has eyes to see an opportunity. To-night, he will attack us.”. It is true that Tametomo afterwards refrained from taking his brother's life, but the above proves that he would not have exercised any such forbearance had victory been attainable by ruthlessness. History does not often repeat itself so exactly as it did in these Hogen and Heiji struggles. Fujiwara Yorinaga's refusal to follow Tametomo's advice and Fujiwara n.o.buyori's rejection of Yos.h.i.+tomo's counsels were wholly responsible for the disasters that ensued, and were also ill.u.s.trative of the contempt in which the Fujiwara held the military magnates, who, in turn, were well aware of the impotence of the Court n.o.bles on the battle-field.
The manner of Yos.h.i.+tomo's death, too, reveals something of the ethics of the bus.h.i.+ in the twelfth century. Accompanied by Kamada Masaie and a few others, the Minamoto chief escaped from the fight and took refuge in the house of his concubine, Enju, at Awobaka in Owari.
There they were surrounded and attacked by the Taira partisans. The end seemed inevitable. Respite was obtained, however, by one of those heroic acts of self-sacrifice that stand so numerously to the credit of the j.a.panese samurai. Minamoto s.h.i.+genari, proclaiming himself to be Yos.h.i.+tomo, fought with desperate valour, killing ten of the enemy.
Finally, hacking his own face so that it became unrecognizable, he committed suicide. Meanwhile, Yos.h.i.+tomo had ridden away to the house of Osada Tadamune, father of his comrade Masaie's wife. There he found a hospitable reception. But when he would have pushed on at once to the east, where the Minamoto had many partisans, Tadamune, pointing out that it was New Year's eve, persuaded him to remain until the 3d of the first month.
Whether this was done of fell purpose or out of hospitality is not on record, but it is certain that Tadamune and his son, Kagemune, soon determined to kill Yos.h.i.+tomo, thus avoiding a charge of complicity and earning favour at Court. Their plan was to conceal three men in a bathroom, whither Yos.h.i.+tomo should be led after he had been plied with sake at a banquet. The scheme succeeded in part, but as Yos.h.i.+tomo's squire, Konno, a noted swordsman, accompanied his chief to the bath, the a.s.sa.s.sins dared not attack. Presently, however, Konno went to seek a bath-robe, and thereupon the three men leaped out. Yos.h.i.+tomo hurled one a.s.sailant from the room, but was stabbed to death by the other two, who, in their turn, were slaughtered by the squire. Meanwhile, Masaie was sitting, unsuspicious, at the wine-party in a distant chamber. Hearing the tumult he sprang to his feet, but was immediately cut down by Tadamune and Kagemune. At this juncture Masaie's wife ran in, and crying, ”I am not faithless and evil like my father and my brother; my death shall show my sincerity,” seized her husband's sword and committed suicide, at which sight the dying man smiled contentedly. As for Konno, after a futile attempt to lay hands on Tadamune and Kagemune, he cut his way through their retainers and rode off safely. The heads of Yos.h.i.+tomo and Masaie were carried to Kyoto by Tadamune and Kagemune, but they made so much of their exploit and clamoured for such high reward that Kiyomori threatened to punish them for the murder of a close connexion--Kiyomori, be it observed, on whose hands the blood of his uncle was still wet.
Yos.h.i.+tomo had many sons* but only four of them escaped from the Heiji tumult. The eldest of these was Yoritomo, then only fourteen. After killing two men who attempted to intercept his flight, he fell into the hands of Taira Munekiyo, who, pitying his youth, induced Kiyomori's step-mother to intercede for his life, and he was finally banished to Izu, whence, a few years later, he emerged to the destruction of the Taira. A still younger son, Yos.h.i.+tsune, was destined to prove the most renowned warrior j.a.pan ever produced. His mother, Tokiwa, one of Yos.h.i.+tomo's mistresses, a woman of rare beauty, fled from the Minamoto mansion during a snow-storm after the Heiji disaster, and, with her three children, succeeded in reaching a village in Yamato, where she might have lain concealed had not her mother fallen into the hands of Kiyomori's agents. Tokiwa was then required to choose between giving herself up and suffering her mother to be executed. Her beauty saved the situation. Kiyomori had no sooner seen her face than he offered to have mercy if she entered his household and if she consented to have her three sons educated for the priesthood. Thus, Yos.h.i.+tsune survived, and in after ages people were wont to say of Kiyomori's pa.s.sion and its result that his blissful dream of one night had brought ruin on his house.
*One of these sons, Tomonaga, fell by his father's hand. Accompanying Yos.h.i.+tomo's retreat, he had been severely wounded, and he asked his father to kill him rather than leave him at Awobake to fall into the hands of the Taira. Yos.h.i.+tomo consented, though the lad was only fifteen years of age.
THE TAIRA AND THE FUJIWARA
In human affairs many events ascribed by onlookers to design are really the outcome of accident or unforseen opportunity. Historians, tracing the career of Taira no Kiyomori, ascribe to him singular astuteness in creating occasions and marked promptness in utilizing them. But Kiyomori was not a man of original or brilliant conceptions. He had not even the imperturbability essential to military leaders.h.i.+p. The most prominent features of his character were unbridled ambition, intolerance of opposition, and unscrupulous pursuit of visible ends. He did not initiate anything but was content to follow in the footsteps of the Fujiwara. It has been recorded that in 1158--after the Hogen tumult, but before that of Heiji--he married his daughter to a son of Fujiwara s.h.i.+nzoi. In that transaction, however, s.h.i.+nzei's will dominated. Two years later, the Minamoto's power having been shattered, Kiyomori gave another of his daughters to be the mistress of the kwampaku, Fujiwara Motozane. There was no offspring of this union, and when, in 1166, Motozane died, he left a five-year-old son, Motomichi, born of his wife, a Fujiwara lady. This boy was too young to succeed to the office of regent, and therefore had no t.i.tle to any of the property accruing to the holder of that post, who had always been recognized as de jure head of the Fujiwara family. Nevertheless, Kiyomori, having contrived that the child should be entrusted to his daughter's care, a.s.serted its claims so strenuously that many of the Fujiwara manors and all the heirlooms were handed over to it, the result being a visible weakening of the great family's influence.*
*See Murdoch's History of j.a.pan.
RESULTS OF THE HOGEN AND HEIJI INSURRECTIONS
The most signal result of the Hogen and Heiji insurrections was to transfer the administrative power from the Court n.o.bles to the military chiefs. In no country were cla.s.s distinctions more scrupulously observed than in j.a.pan. All officials of the fifth rank and upwards must belong to the families of the Court n.o.bility, and no office carrying with it rank higher than the sixth might be occupied by a military man. In all the history of the empire down to the twelfth century there had been only one departure from this rule, and that was in the case of the ill.u.s.trious General Saka-no-ye no Tamura-maro, who had been raised to the third rank and made dainagon.
The social positions of the two groups were even more rigidly differentiated; those of the fifth rank and upwards being termed tenjo-bito, or men having the privilege of entree to the palace and to the Imperial presence; while the lower group (from the sixth downwards) had no such privilege and were consequently termed chige-bito, or groundlings. The three highest offices (spoken of as san-ko) could not be held by any save members of the Fujiwara or Kuga families; and for offices carrying fifth rank upwards (designated taifu) the range of eligible families extended to only four others, the Ariwara, the Ki, the Oye, and the Kiyowara. All this was changed after the Heiji commotion. The Fujiwara had used the military leaders for their own ends; Kiyomori supplemented his military strength with Fujiwara methods. He caused himself to be appointed sangi (councillor of State) and to be raised to the first grade of the third rank, and he procured for his friends and relations posts as provincial governors, so that they were able to organize throughout the empire military forces devoted to the Taira cause.
These steps were mere preludes to his ambitious programme. He married his wife's elder sister to the ex-Emperor, Go-s.h.i.+rakawa, and the fruit of this union was a prince who subsequently ascended the throne as Takakura. The Emperor Nijo had died in 1166, after five years of effort, only partially successful, to restrain his father, Go-s.h.i.+rakawa's, interference in the administration. Nijo was succeeded by his son, Rokujo, a baby of two years; and, a few months later, Takakura, then in his seventh year, was proclaimed Prince Imperial. Rokujo (the seventy-ninth sovereign) was not given time to learn the meaning of the t.i.tle ”Emperor.” In three years he was deposed by Go-s.h.i.+rakawa with Kiyomori's co-operation, and Takakura (eightieth sovereign) ascended the throne in 1169, occupying it until 1180. Thus, Kiyomori found himself uncle of an Emperor only ten years of age. Whatever may have been the Taira leader's defects, failure to make the most of an opportunity was not among them. The influence he exercised in the palace through his sister-in-law was far more exacting and imperious than that exercised by Go-s.h.i.+rakawa himself, and the latter, while bitterly resenting this state of affairs, found himself powerless to correct it. Finally, to evince his discontent, he entered the priesthood, a demonstration which afforded Kiyomori more pleasure than pain. On the nomination of Takakura to be Crown Prince the Taira leader was appointed--appointed himself would be a more accurate form of speech--to the office of nai-daijin, and within a very brief period he ascended to the chancellors.h.i.+p, overleaping the two intervening posts of u-daijin and sa-daijin. This was in the fiftieth year of his life. At fifty-one, he fell seriously ill and took the tonsure by way of soliciting heaven's aid. People spoke of him as Dajo Nyudo, or the ”lay-priest chancellor.” Recovering, he developed a mood of increased arrogance. His residence at Rokuhara was a magnificent pile of building, as architecture then went, standing in a park of great extent and beauty. There he administered State affairs with all the pomp and circ.u.mstance of an Imperial court. He introduced his daughter, Toku, into the Household and very soon she was made Empress, under the name of Kenrei-mon-in.
Thus completely were the Fujiwara beaten at their own game and the traditions of centuries set at naught. A majority of the highest posts were filled by Kiyomori's kinsmen. Fifteen of his family were of, or above, the third rank, and thirty were tenjo-bito.
”Akitsus.h.i.+ma (j.a.pan) was divided into sixty-six provinces. Of these thirty were governed by Taira partisans. Their manors were to be found in five hundred places, and their fields were innumerable.
Their mansions were full of splendid garments and rich robes like flowers, and the s.p.a.ces before their portals were so thronged with ox-carriages and horses that markets were often held there. Not to be a Taira was not to be a man.”*
*Gen-pei Seisuiki (Records of the Vicissitudes of the Minamoto and the Taira).
It is necessary to note, too, with regard to these manors, that many of them were tax-free lands (koderi) granted in perpetuity. Such grants, as has been already shown, were not infrequent. But they had been made, for the most part, to civilian officials, by whose serfs they were farmed, the proceeds being forwarded to Kyoto for the support of their owners; whereas the koden bestowed on Taira officers were, in effect, military fiefs. It is true that similar fiefs existed in the north and in the south, but their number was so greatly increased in the days of Taira ascendancy as almost to const.i.tute a new departure. Kiyomori was, in truth, one of the most despotic rulers that ever held sway in j.a.pan. He organized a band of three hundred youths whose business was to go about Kyoto and listen to the citizens' talk. If anyone was reported by these spies as having spoken ill of the Taira, he was seized and punished. One day Kiyomori's grandson, Sukemori, met the regent, Fujiwara Motofusa, and failing to alight from his carriage, as etiquette required, was compelled by the regent's retinue to do so. On learning of this incident, Kiyomori ordered three hundred men to lie in wait for the regent, drag him from his car and cut off his cue.
PLOTS AGAINST THE TAIRA: KIYOMORI'S LAST YEARS