Part 3 (1/2)
To their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces, the undersigned, merchants, manufacturers, and others, inhabitants living by commerce in this country, give respectfully to understand:
That, although the pet.i.tioners have always relied, with entire confidence, upon the administration and the resolutions of your High Mightinesses, and it is against their inclinations to interrupt your important deliberations, they think, however, that they ought, at this time to take the liberty; and believe as well intentioned inhabitants, that it is their indispensible duty in the present moment, which is most critical for the Republic, to lay humbly before your High Mightinesses their interests.
What good citizen in the Republic, having at heart the interest of his dear country, can dissemble, or represent to himself without dismay, the sad situation to which we are reduced by the attack, equally sudden, unjust, and perfidious of the English? Who would have dared two years ago to foretell, and, notwithstanding the dark clouds which even then began to form themselves, could even have imagined that our commerce and our navigation, with the immense affairs which depend upon them, the support and the prosperity of this Republic, could have fallen and remained in such a terrible decay? that in 1780, more than two thousands of Dutch vessels having pa.s.sed the Sound, not one was found upon the list in 1781? That the ocean, heretofore covered with our vessels, should see at present scarcely any? and that we may be reduced to see our navigation, formerly so much respected and preferred by all the nations, pa.s.s entirely into the hands of other powers? It would be superfluous to endeavour to explain at length the damages, the enormous losses, which our inhabitants have sustained by the sudden invasion and the pillage of the colonies, and of their s.h.i.+ps; disasters, which not only fall directly upon the merchant, but which have also a general influence, and make themselves felt in the most melancholy manner, even by the lowest artisans and labourers, by the languor which they occasion in commerce. But, how great soever they may be, it might, perhaps, be possible, by the aid of the paternal cares of your High Mightinesses, and by opposing a vigorous resistance to the enemy, already enervated, to repair in time all these losses, (without mentioning indemnifications) if this stagnation of commerce was only momentary, and if the industrious merchant did not see beforehand the sources of his future felicity dried up. It is this gloomy foresight which, in this moment, afflicts, in the highest degree, the pet.i.tioners; for, it would be the height of folly and inconsideration to desire still to flatter ourselves, and to remain quiet, in the expectation that, after the conclusion of the peace, the business, at present turned out of its direction, should return entirely into this country; for experience shews the contrary in a manner the most convincing; and it is most probable, that the same nations, who are actually in possession of it, will preserve, at that time, the greatest part of it. Your alarmed pet.i.tioners throw their eyes round every where, to discover new sources, capable of procuring them more success, in future. They even flatter themselves that they have found them upon the new theatre of commerce which the United States of America offer them; a commerce, of which, in this moment, but in this moment only, they believe themselves to be in a condition to be able to a.s.sure to themselves a good share; and the great importance of which, joined to the fear of seeing escape from their hands this only and last resource, has induced them to take the resolution to lay open respectfully their observations concerning this important object to your High Mightinesses, with the earnest prayer that you would consider them with a serious attention, and not interpret in ill part this measure of the pet.i.tioners, especially as their future well-being, perhaps even that of the whole Republic, depends on the decision of this affair.
No man can call in question that England has derived her greatest forces from her commerce with America; those immense treasures, which that commerce has poured into the coffers of the state; the uncommon prosperity of several of her commercial houses, the extreme reputation of her manufactures, the consumption of which, in quant.i.ties beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciously to their perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However it may be, and notwithstanding the supposition, too lightly adopted, that we cannot imitate the British manufactures, the manufacture of painted linens of Rouen; those of wool of Amiens, of Germany, of Overyssel; and the Pins of Zwoll prove visibly that all things need not be drawn from England; and that, moreover, we are as well in a condition, or shall soon be, to equal them in several respects.
Permit us, high and mighty Lords, to the end to avoid all further digression, to request in this regard the attention of your High Mightinesses to the situation of commerce in France at the beginning of the war. Continual losses had almost ruined it altogether. Like ours, several of her merchants failed of capitals; and others wanted courage to continue their commerce; her manufactures languished; the people groaned; in one word, every thing there marked out the horrors of war.
But, at present, her maritime towns, overpeopled, have occasion to be enlarged; her manufactures, having arrived at a degree of exportation unknown before, begin to perfect themselves more and more, in such a degree, that the melancholy consequences of the war are scarcely felt in that kingdom. But, since it is incontestible that this favourable alteration results almost entirely from its commerce with America, that even this has taken place in time of war; which, moreover, is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlightened judgment of your High Mightinesses to decide, what it is that we may expect from a commerce of this nature, even at present, but especially in time of peace. In the mean time, we have had the happiness to make a trial, of short duration it is true, but very strong in proportion to its continuance, in our colony of St. Eustatia, of the importance of the commerce, though not direct, with North America. The registers of the West India Company may furnish proofs of it very convincing to your High Mightinesses; in fact, their productions are infinitely suitable to our market; whilst, on our side, we have to send them several articles of convenience and of necessity from our own country; or from the neighbouring states of Germany. Moreover, several of our languis.h.i.+ng manufactures, scattered in the seven United Provinces, may perhaps be restored to their former vigour, by means of bounties, or the diminution of imposts. The importance of manufactures for a country is sufficiently proved, by the considerable gratifications promised and paid by British policy for their encouragement, and by the advantages which that kingdom has procured to itself by this means, even beyond what had been expected.
The pet.i.tioners know perfectly well the obstacles, almost insurmountable, which always oppose themselves to the habitual use of new manufactures, although certainly better in quality; and they dare advance, without hesitation, that several of our manufactures are superior to those of the English. A moment more favourable can never offer itself than the present, when, by a resolution of Congress, the importation of all the effects of the produce of Great Britain, and of her colonies, is forbidden; which reduces the merchant and the purchaser to the necessity of recurring to other merchandises, the use of which will serve to dissipate the prejudice conceived against them. It is not only the manufactures, high and mighty Lords, which promise a permanent advantage to our Republic. The navigation will derive also great advantages; for it is very far from being true (as several would maintain) that the Americans, being once in the tranquil possession of their independence, would themselves exercise with vigour these two branches; and that in the sequel, we shall be wholly frustrated of them.
Whoever has the least knowledge of the country of America, and of its vast extent, knows that the number of inhabitants is not there in proportion. That even the two banks of the Mississippi, the most beautiful tract of this country, otherwise so fertile, remain still uncultivated; and as there are wanted so many hands, it is not at all probable to presume, that they will or can occupy themselves to establish new manufactures, both because of the new charges, which they would put upon the augmentation and exportation of their productions.
It is then for these same reasons (the want of population) that they will scarcely find the hands necessary to take advantage of the fisheries, which are the property of their country; which will certainly oblige them to abandon to us the navigation of freight. There is not therefore any one of our provinces, much less any one of our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this commerce: No, high and mighty Lords, the pet.i.tioners are persuaded that the utility and the benefit of it will spread itself over all the provinces and countries of the Generality. Guelderland and Overyssel cannot too much extend their manufactures of wool, of swanskin, and other things; even the shoemakers of the mayoralty, and of Langstret, will find a considerable opening; almost all the manufactures of Utrecht and of Leyden will flourish anew.
Harlem will see revive its manufactures of stuffs, of laces of ribbons, of twist, at present in the lowest state of decay. Delft will see vastly augmented the sale of its earthen ware, and Gouda that of its tobacco-pipes.
However great may be the advantages foreseen by the pet.i.tioners, from a legal commerce duly protected with America, their fear is not less, lest we should suffer to escape the happy moment of a.s.suring to them, and to all the Republic, these advantages. The present moment must determine the whole. The English nation is weary of the war; and as that people runs easily into extremes, the pet.i.tioners are afraid, with strong probable appearances, that a compleat acknowledgment of American independence will soon take place; above all, if the English see an opportunity of being able still to draw from America some conditions favourable for them, or at least something to our disadvantage. Ah! what is it which should instigate the Americans in making peace, and renewing friends.h.i.+p with Great Britain, to have any regard for the interests of our republic? If England could only obtain for a condition, that we should be obliged to pay duties more burthensome for our vessels, this would be not only a continual and permanent prejudice; but would be sufficient to transmit to posterity, a lamentable proof of our excessive deference for unbridled enemies.
The pet.i.tioners dare flatter themselves that a measure so frank of this Republic, may powerfully serve for the acceleration of a general peace.
A general ardour to extinguish the flames of war reigns in England; an upright and vigorous conduct, on the part of this Republic, will contribute to accelerate the accomplishment of the wishes for peace.
We flatter ourselves, high and mighty Lords, that we have in this regard alleged sufficient reasons for an immediate decision; and that we have so visibly proved the danger of delay, that we dare to hope from the paternal equity of your High Mightinesses, a reasonable attention to the respectful proposition which we have made. It proceeds from no other motive than a sincere affection for the precious interests of our dear country; since we consider it as certain, that as soon as the step taken by us shall be known by the English, and that they shall have the least hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible, to acknowledge American independence. Supported by all these reasons, the pet.i.tioners address themselves to your High Mightinesses, humbly requesting that it may please your High Mightinesses, after the occurrences and affairs above-mentioned, to take, for the greatest advantage of this country, as soon as possible, such resolution as your High Mightinesses shall judge most convenient.
This doing, &c.
PEt.i.tION
To the Burgomasters and Regents of
AMSTERDAM:
The subscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of this city, with all due respect, give to understand: That the difference arisen between the kingdom of Great Britain and the United States of America, has not only given occasion for a long and violent war, but that the arms of America have covered themselves with a success so happy, that the Congress, a.s.sisted by the Courts of France and Spain, have so well established their liberty and independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities so critical, that the House of Commons in England, notwithstanding all the opposition of the British Ministry, have lately formed the important resolution to turn the King from an offensive war against America, with no other design than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation with America.
That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the English in favour of the liberty and independence of America, according to all appearances, the resolution taken by the Congress, towards the end of the last year, to wit, to forbid in all America the importation of British manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly, the consequences ruinous to their manufactures, trade, commerce, and navigation, to be able to remain indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial nations, who take to heart, ever so little, their own prosperity, will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all the fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable for the business and commerce of this Republic in general, and for those of this city in particular, to suffer to escape this occasion so favourable for the encouragement of our manufactures so declined, and languis.h.i.+ng in the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation in the maritime cities; or to suffer that other commercial nations, even with a total exclusion of the mercantile interests of this Republic, should profit of it, and this, upon an occasion, when, by reason of the war, equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great Britain has involved this Republic, we cannot, and ought not to have the least regard or condescension for that jealous State, being able even to oblige this arrogant neighbour, in the just fear of the consequences which a more intimate connection between this Republic and North America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her arms, and restore tranquility to all Europe.
That the pet.i.tioners, notwithstanding the inclination they have for it, ought not nevertheless to explain themselves farther upon this object, nor make a demonstration in detail of the important advantages which this Republic may procure itself by a connection and a relation more intimate with North America; both, because that no well-informed man can easily call the thing in question, or contradict it; but also, because the States of Friesland themselves have very lately explained themselves, in a manner so remarkable, in this respect; and which is still more remarkable, because in very different circ.u.mstances, with a foresight, which posterity will celebrate by so much the more, as it is attacked in our time by ill designing citizens, the Lords your predecessors thought, four years ago, upon the means of hindering this Republic from being excluded from the business of the new world, and from falling into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of Portugal is at present, considering that according to the informations of your pet.i.tioners, the Congress has excluded that kingdom from all commerce and business with North America, solely, because it had perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the influence of the British Court. This example makes us fear with reason that if the propositions made, in the name of America, by Mr. Adams to this Republic, should remain, as they still are, without an answer, or that, if, contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected, in that case the Republic ought not to expect a better treatment.
That, for these reasons and many others, the pet.i.tioners had flattered themselves that we should long ago have opened negotiations, and a closer correspondence, with the United States of America. But this important work appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible with the accession of this Republic to the armed neutrality, and, in course, with the accepted mediation; whilst that others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary step, in the opinion that we cannot draw any advantage, or at least of much importance, from a more strict connection with America: Reasons, according to the pet.i.tioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the first point, supposing, for a moment, that it might be made a question whether the Republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take a step of this nature, without renouncing at the same time the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had embraced; it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning the competency of the Republic to take a similar step vanishes and disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself involved in a war with Great Britain, since from that moment she could not only demand the a.s.sistance and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality, but that thereby the finds herself authorized, for her own defence, to employ all sorts of means, violent and others, which she could not before adopt nor put in use, while she was really in the position of a neutral power which would profit of the advantages of the armed neutrality. This reasoning then proves evidently, that, in the present situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge the independence of America; and, notwithstanding this, claim of full right the a.s.sistance of her neutral allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of the two following absurdities: That, notwithstanding the violent aggression of England in resentment of our accession to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves, until our confederates shall think proper to come to our a.s.sistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it should be permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed neutrality, to resist them in arms, whether on the Doggers-bank or elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances, which certainly do no injury or harm to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwithstanding even the small hope we have of being succored by the allies of the armed confederation. The argument of the mediation is still more contrary to common sense in this, that it supposes, that the Republic, by accepting the mediation, has also renounced the employment of all the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise, which it might judge useful or necessary to annoy her enemy: a supposition, which certainly is dest.i.tute of all foundation, and which would reduce it simply to a real suspension of hostilities on the part of the Republic only; to which the Republic can never have consented, neither directly nor indirectly.
Besides this last argument, the pet.i.tioners ought to observe, in the first place, that by means of a good harmony and friends.h.i.+p with the United States of America, there will spring up, not only different sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on commerce and navigation, but in particular the manufactures and trade will a.s.sume a new activity in the interior cities; for they may consume the amount of millions of our manufactures in that new country, of so vast extent: In the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce, the friends.h.i.+p or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners of two English armies, has known how to render herself respectable and formidable, if it were only in relation to the western possessions of this State, is not and cannot be in any manner indifferent for our Republic. In the last place, it is necessary that the pet.i.tioners remark farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this Republic, in the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable losses and damages, which at least hereafter might be wholly prevented, or in part, in case we should make with the United States of America, with relation to vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that which has been made with the Crown of France the last year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this nature had been contracted in the beginning of this war, the inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived important advantages from it, considering that several s.h.i.+ps and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans; among others, two vessels from the West Indies, richly loaded, and making sail for the ports of the Republic, and both estimated at more than a million of florins of Holland; which, captured by the English at the commencement of the year past, were carried into North America, where, after the capitulation of General Cornwallis, they pa.s.sed from the hands of the English into others.