Part 16 (1/2)
[218] In the Record Office, abstracted (much condensed) in _Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 16. For the purposes of this book I have used the original ma.n.u.scripts.
[219] In the curious and detailed but in many respects unveracious account of the affair given in the _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, edited by the present writer, it is distinctly stated that Culpeper made his confession on the threat of the rack in the Tower. He is made in this account to say that he was deeply in love with Katharine before her marriage, and had fallen ill with grief when she became Henry's wife. She had taken pity upon him, and had arranged a meeting at Richmond, which had been betrayed to Hertford by one of Katharine's servants. The writer of the _Chronicle_ (Guaras), who had good sources of information and was a close observer, did not believe that any guilty act had been committed by Katharine after her marriage.
[220] Record Office, State Papers, 1, 721. The Duke had gone to demand of his stepmother Derham's box of papers. He found that she had already overhauled them and destroyed many of them. In his conversation with her, she admitted that she knew Katharine was immoral before marriage.
[221] The Commissioners included Michael Dormer, Lord Mayor, Lord Chancellor Audley, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the Lords of the Council and judges. Norfolk, in order to show his zeal and freedom from complicity, jeered and laughed as the examination of the prisoners proceeded. For a similar reason he brought his son, the Earl of Surrey, to the trial: and it was noted that both the Queen's brothers and those of Culpeper rode about the city unconcernedly, in order to prove that they had no sympathy with the accused. As soon as the trial was over, however, Norfolk retired to Kenninghall, some said by the King's orders, and rumours were rife that not only was he in disgrace, but that danger to him portended. We shall see that his fate was deferred for a time, as Henry needed his military aid in the coming wars with Scotland and France, and he was the only soldier of experience and authority in England.
[222] One of Katharine's love letters to Culpeper, written during the progress in the North, is in the Record Office; and although it does not offer direct corroboration of guilt, it would have offered good presumptive evidence, and is, to say the least of it, an extremely indiscreet letter for a married woman and a queen to write to a man who had been her lover before her marriage. The letter is all in Katharine's writing except the first line. ”Master Culpeper,” it runs, ”I heartily recommend me unto you, praying you to send me word how that you do. I did hear that ye were sick and I never longed so much for anything as to see you. It maketh my heart to die when I do think that I cannot always be in your company. Come to me when my Lady Rochford be here, for then I shall be best at leisure to be at your commandment. I do thank you that you have promised to be good to that poor fellow my man; for when he is gone there be none I dare trust to send to you. I pray you to give me a horse for my man, for I have much ado to get one, and therefore I pray you send me one by him, and in so doing I am as I said before: and thus I take my leave of you trusting to see you shortly again; and I would you were with me now that you might see what pain I take in writing to you. Yours as long as life endures, Katheryn. One thing I had forgotten, and that is to speak to my man. Entreat him to tarry here with me still, for he says whatsoever you order he will do it.” The letter is extremely illiterate in style and spelling. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.)
[223] _Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 1.
[224] Marillac Correspondence, ed. Kaulec. There is a transcript in the Record Office and abstracts in the _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 16.
[225] They were soon afterwards pardoned.
[226] This difficulty seems to have been met by sending to the unhappy girl a committee of the Council to invite her to appear in person and defend herself if she pleased; but she threw herself entirely upon the King's mercy, and admitted that she deserved death. This facilitated her condemnation, and there was no more difficulty. The Duke of Suffolk in the House of Lords and Wriothesley stated that she had ”confessed her great crime” to the deputation of the Council, but exactly what or how much she confessed is not known. She most solemnly a.s.sured the Bishop of Lincoln (White) in her last hours that she had not offended criminally after her marriage; and as has been pointed out in the text, she is not specifically charged with having done so in the indictment. This might be, of course, to save the King's honour as much as possible; but taking all things into consideration, the probability is that no guilty act had been committed since the marriage, though it is clear that Katharine was fluttering perilously close to the flame.
[227] This was Anne Ba.s.sett. Lord Lisle, the illegitimate son of Edward IV., was at this time released from his unjust imprisonment in the Tower, but died immediately.
[228] Chapuys to the Emperor, 29th January 1542.
[229] The accounts of Chapuys, Hall, and Ottewell Johnson say simply that she confessed her faults and made a Christian end. The _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._ gives an account of her speech of which the above is a summary.
[230] The book which, although it was largely Gardiner's work, was called ”The King's Book,” or ”The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any Christian Man,” laid down afresh the doctrines to be accepted. It was authorised by Parliament in May 1543, and greatly straitened the creed prescribed in 1537. Just previously a large number of persecutions were begun against those who questioned Transubstantiation (see Foxe), and printers were newly harried for daring to print books not in accordance with the King's proclamation. Strict inquests were also held through London for any householders who ate meat in Lent, the young, turbulent Earl of Surrey being one of the offenders. (_Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol.
17, part 1.) It is to be noted, however, that, side by side with these anti-Protestant measures, greater efforts than ever were made to emphasise the King's supremacy; the Ma.s.s Books being carefully revised in order to eliminate all reference even indirectly to the Pope, and to saints not mentioned in the Bible.
[231] In his account of these and similar interviews Chapuys dwells much upon Gardiner's anxiety to adopt the best course to induce Henry to enter into the agreement. He begged the imperial amba.s.sador not to rub the King the wrong way by dwelling upon the advantage to accrue to England from the alliance. (_Spanish Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2.)
[232] The treaty is in the Record Office. Printed in full in Rymer.
[233] At the time of Katharine's marriage, her brother, Lord Parr, was on the Scottish border as Warden of the Marches; and a few days after the wedding the new Queen-Consort wrote to him from Oatlands saying that ”it having pleased G.o.d to incline the King to take her as his wife, which is the greatest joy and comfort that could happen to her, she desires to inform her brother of it, as the person who has most cause to rejoice thereat. She requires him to let her hear sometimes of his health as friendly as if she had not been called to this honour.” (_Henry VIII.
Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.)
[234] It depends upon a metrical family history written by Katharine's cousin, Sir Thomas Throckmorton.
[235] The doc.u.ment is in the Record Office. About half way down the margin is written, ”For your daughter.” At the top is written, ”Lady Latimer.”
[236] The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ thus portrays Katharine's character: ”She was quieter than any of the young wives the King had, and as she knew more of the world she always got on pleasantly with the King and had no caprices. She had much honour to Lady Mary and the wives of the n.o.bles, but she kept her ladies very strictly.... The King was very well satisfied with her.”
[237] Many years afterwards when Parr, then Marquis of Northampton and a leading anti-Catholic, was with other n.o.bles urging Queen Elizabeth to drop s.h.i.+lly-shally and get married in earnest, the Queen, who was of course playing a deep game which they did not understand, turned upon Parr in a rage and told him that he was a nice fellow to talk about marriage, considering how he had managed his own matrimonial affairs. (Hume, ”Courts.h.i.+ps of Queen Elizabeth.”)
[238] Record Office. _Henry VIII. Calendar_, vol. 18, part 1.
[239] _Spanish State Papers, Calendar_, vol. 6, part 2. The author of the _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (Guaras) says that the King ordered Anne to come to the wedding, but if that be the case there is no record of her presence; though all the other guests and witnesses are enumerated in the notarial deed attesting the marriage. The Spanish chronicler puts into Anne's mouth, as a sign of her indifference, a somewhat ill-natured gibe at the ”burden that Madam Katharine hath taken upon herself,” explaining that she referred to the King's immense bulk. ”The King was so fat that such a man had never been seen. Three of the biggest men that could be found could get inside his doublet.” Anne's trouble with regard to her brother was soon at an end. The Emperor's troops crushed him completely, and in September he begged for mercy on his knees, receiving the disputed duchies from Charles as an imperial fief. Anne's mother, who had stoutly resisted the Emperor's claims upon her duchies, died of grief during the campaign.
[240] Strype's ”Memorials of Cranmer.”
[241] Strype's ”Memorials,” Foxe's ”Acts and Monuments,” and Burnet; all of whom followed the account given by Cranmer's secretary Morice as to Cranmer's part.