Part 14 (1/2)

[4] Thomas of Celano's list. 1, _Quidam pium gerens animum_; 2, _Bernardus_; 3, _Vir alter_; 4, _aegidius_; 5, _Unus alius appositus_; 6, _Philippus_; 7, _Alius bonus vir_; 8, 9, 10, 11, _Quatuor boni et idonei viri_. 1 Cel., 24, 25, 29, 31. The Rinaldi-Amoni text says nothing of the last four. Three Companions: 1, _Bernardus_; 2, _Petrus_; 3, _aegidius_; 4, _Sabbatinus_; 5, _Moritus_; _Johannes Capella_; 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, Disciples received by the brethren in their missions. 3 Soc., 33, 35, 41, 46, 52. Bonaventura: 1, _Bernardus_; 2, ... 3, _aegidius_; 4, 5, ... 6, _Silvestro_; 7, _Alius bonus viri_; 8, 9, 10, 11, _Quatuor viri honesti_. Bon., 28, 29, 30, 31, 33. The Fioretti, while insisting on the importance of the twelve Franciscan apostles, cite only six in their list: Giovanni di Capella, Egidio, Philip, Silvestro, Bernardo, and Rufino.

_Fior._, 1. We must go to the Conformities to find the traditional list, f^o 46b 1: 1, _Bernardus de Quintavalle_; 2, _Petrus Chatanii_; 3, _Egidius_; 4, _Sabatinus_; 5, _Moricus_; 6, _Johannes de Capella_; 7, _Philippus Longus_; 8, _Johannes de Sancto Constantio_; 9, _Barbarus_; 10, _Bernardus de Cleviridante_ (sic); 11, _Angelus Tancredi_; 12, _Sylvester_. As will be seen, in the last two doc.u.ments twelve disciples are in question, while in the preceding ones there are only eleven.

This is enough to show a dogmatic purpose. This list reappears exactly in the _Speculum_, with the sole difference that Francis being there included Angelo di Tancrede is the twelfth brother and Silvestro disappears. _Spec._, 87a.

[5] According to tradition, the five _compagni del Santo_ buried there beside their master are Bernardo, Silvestro, William (an Englishman), Eletto, and Valentino(?)

[6] 3 Soc., 46; 1 Cel., 32; Bon., 34.

[7] 1 Cel., 33; 3 Soc., 53; Bon., 35.

[8] St. Ludgarde (1182-1246) sees him condemned to Purgatory till the Last Judgment. Life of this saint by Thomas of Catimpre in Surius: _Vitae SS._ (1618), vi., 215-226.

[9] _Vir clari ingenii, magnae probitatis et sapientiae, cui nullus secundus tempore suo:_ Rigordus, _de gestis Philippi Augusti_ in d.u.c.h.esne. _Historiae Francorum scriptores coaetanei_, t. v., p. 60.--_Nec similem sui scientia, facundia, decretorum et legum perit.i.tia, strenuitate, judiciorum nec adhuc visus est habere sequentem._ Cf. Mencken, _Script. rer. Sax._, Leipzig, 1728, t. iii., p. 252. _Innocentius, qui vere stupor mundi erat et immutator saeculi._ Cotton, _Hist. Anglicana_, Luard, 1859, p.

107.

[10] _Cujus finis laet.i.tiem potius quam trist.i.tiam generavit subjectis._ Alberic delle Tre Fontane. Leibnitz, _Accessiones historicae_, t. ii., p. 492.

[11] _Decidit in acutam (febrem) quam c.u.m multis diebus fovisset nec a citris quibus in magna quant.i.tatae et ex consuetudine vescebatur ... minime abstineret ... ad ultimum in lethargia prolapsus vitam finivit._ Alberic delle Tre Fontane, _loc. cit._

[12] Fresco in the great nave of the Upper Church of a.s.sisi.

[13] 1 Cel., 32; 3 Soc., 47.

[14] Of the Colonna family; he died in 1216. Cf. 3 Soc., 61.

Vide Cardella, _Memorie storiche de' Cardinali_, 9 vols., 8vo, Rome, 1792 ff., t. i., p. 177. He was at Rome in the summer of 1210, for on the 11th of August he countersigned the bull _Religiosem vitam_. Potthast, 4061. Angelo Clareno relates the approbation with more precision in certain respects: _c.u.m vero Summo Pontifici ea quae postulabat [Franciscus] ardua valde et quasi impossibilia viderentur infirmitate hominum sui temporis, exhortabatur eum, quod aliquem ordinem vel regulam de approbatis a.s.sumeret, at ipse se a Christo missum ad talem vitam et non aliam postulandam constanter affirmans, fixus in sua pet.i.tione permansit. Tunc dominus Johannes de Sancto Paulo episcopus Sabinensis et dominus Hugo episcopus Hostiensis Dei spiritu moti a.s.sisterunt Sancto Francisco et pro his quae petebat coram summo Pontifice et Cardinalibus plura proposuerunt rationabilia et efficacia valde. Tribul._ Laurentinian MS., f^o 6a. This intervention of Ugolini is mentioned in no other doc.u.ment. It is, however, by no means impossible. He also was in Rome in the summer of 1210. (Vide Potthast, p. 462.)

[15] 1 Cel., 32 and 33; 3 Soc., 47 and 48. Cf. _An. Per._, A.

SS., p. 590.

[16] 1 Cel., 33.

[17] 3 Soc., 48.

[18] 3 Soc., 49; 1 Cel., 33; Bon., 35 and 36. All this has been much worked over by tradition and gives us only an echo of the reality. It would certainly have needed very little for the Penitents to meet the same fate before Innocent III. as the Waldenses before Lucius III. Traces of this interview are found in two texts which appear to me to be too suspicious to warrant their insertion in the body of the narrative. The first is a fragment of Matthew Paris: _Papa itaque in fratre memorato habitum deformem, vultum despicabilem, barbam prolixam, capillos incultos, supercilia pendentia et nigra diligenter considerans; c.u.m pet.i.tionem ejus tam arduam et executione impossibilem recitare fecisset, despexit c.u.m et dixit: Vade frater, et quaere porcus, quibus potius debes quam hominibus comparari, et involve te c.u.m eis in volutabro, et regulam illis a te commentatam tradens, officium tuae praedicationis impende. Quod audiens Franciscus inclinato capite exixit et porcis tandem inventis, in luto se c.u.m eis tamdiu involvit quousque a planta pedis usque ad verticem, corpus suum totum c.u.m ipso habitu polluisset. Sicque ad consistorium revertens Papae se conspectibus praesentavit dicens: Domine feci sicut praecepisti exaudi nunc obsecro pet.i.tionem meam_. Ed. Wats, p. 340. The incident has a real Franciscan color, and should have some historic basis.

Curiously, it in some sort meets a pa.s.sage in the legend of Bonaventura which is an interpolation of the end of the thirteenth century. See A. SS., p. 591.

[19] 3 Soc., 50 and 51; Bon., 37; 2 Cel., 1, 11; Bernard de Besse, Turin MS., f^o 101b. Ubertini di Casali (_Arbor vitae crucifixae_, Venice, 1485, lib. v., cap. iii.) tells a curious story in which he depicts the indignation of the prelates against Francis. _Quaenam haec est doctrina nova quam infers auribus nostris? Quis potest vivere sine temporalium possessione? Numquid tu melior es quam patres nostri qui dederunt n.o.bis temporalia et in temporalibus abundantes ecclesias possiderunt?_ Then follows the fine prayer inserted by Wadding in Francis's works. The central idea is the same as in the parable of poverty. This story, though not referable to any source, has nevertheless its importance, since it shows how in the year 1300 a man who had all the doc.u.ments before his eyes, represented to himself Francis's early steps.

[20] Bon., 36.

[21] The attempt of Durand of Huesca to create a mendicant order has not yet been studied with sufficient minuteness. Chief of the Waldenses of Aragon, he was present in 1207 at the conference of Pamiers, and decided to return to the Church.

Received with kindness by the pope he at first had a great success, and by 1209 had established communities in Aragon, at Carca.s.sonne, Narbonne, Beziers, Nimes, Uzes, Milan. We find in this movement all the lineaments of the inst.i.tute of St.

Dominic; it was an order of priests to whom theological studies were recommended. They disappeared almost completely in the storm of the Albigensian crusade. Innocent III., _epistolae_, xi., 196, 197, 198; xii., 17, 66; xiii., 63, 77, 78, 94; xv., 82, 83, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 137, 146. The first of these bulls contains the very curious Rule of this ephemeral order.