Part 10 (1/2)
The influence of Kildare was not much shaken by his complicity in Simnel's adventure, and it was not till 1492 that he was deprived of the office of Deputy. It was conferred on Walter Fitz-Simons, Archbishop of Dublin. About the same time Rowland Fitz-Eustace, Baron of Portlester, the Earl's uncle, who had been Lord Treasurer for thirty-eight years, was suddenly removed and threatened with a hostile inquiry into his accounts during the whole period. Sir James Ormonde, knighted by Henry in person, for his services against Lambert, was appointed in his room, and another Butler was made Master of the Rolls. The quarrel between the two Houses blazed up fiercely; and Kildare, to rea.s.sert his influence, summoned a great meeting of citizens on Oxmantown Green.
The two factions came to blows, some lives were lost, and Kildare attempted to seize the city by a sudden movement. The gates were, however, shut in time; but s.h.i.+p Street, then outside the walls, was burned. The Geraldines wasted the Butler territory, and the Butlers in their turn ravaged Kildare and encamped in great force on the southern side of Dublin. A meeting of the two chiefs in St. Patrick's Cathedral was then arranged. A riot took place in the church, a flight of arrows was discharged, and Sir James, suspecting treason, barred himself into the Chapter-house. The Earl came to the door with offers of peace, and a hole was cut in the timber through which the rivals might shake hands.
Sir James hesitated to risk his hand, but Kildare settled the question by putting in his own. The door was then opened, they embraced each other, and peace followed for a time. To make amends for the desecration of the church, the Pope ordered that the mayor should go barefoot through the city on Corpus Christi day, and this practice was continued till the Reformation. The door with the hole in it is still preserved, or was so until very lately.[57]
[Sidenote: Perkin Warbeck lands 1491, but leaves the next year.]
'Ireland at this time,' says Ware, 'was as it were a theatre or stage on which masked princes entered, though soon after, their visors being taken off, they were expulsed the stage.' Perkin Warbeck landed at Cork late in 1491, or early in 1492, and was entertained by John Walters, an eminent merchant and future mayor. The citizens from the beginning insisted on regarding him as a royal personage, first as a son of Clarence, afterwards as a b.a.s.t.a.r.d of Richard III., and finally as Richard, Duke of York, Edward IV.'s younger son. Having adopted the latter character, Perkin wrote letters, extant in Ware's time, in which he sought help from the Earls of Desmond and Kildare. The former at once espoused his cause; the latter, according to his own account, would have nothing to do with 'the French lad.' Desmond joined Perkin in soliciting the aid of James IV. of Scotland, and he remained for about a year at Cork, learning English, but apparently without exciting any anxiety in England. Towards the close of 1492 he withdrew to France, where Charles VIII. received him as a prince, and where he was joined by disaffected Yorkists. Henry having made a successful campaign in France, Perkin was dismissed and went to Flanders, where Margaret of Burgundy acknowledged him as her nephew, and no doubt instructed him how to fill the part.[58]
[Sidenote: Parliament of 1493.]
In 1493 the Archbishop of Dublin held a Parliament, where many things were done unfavourable to the Geraldine faction; and on August 12, John Walters and other accomplices of the pretender were summoned to surrender. The Archbishop shortly went over to England, where he made Henry clearly acquainted with the state of affairs in Ireland, and was followed by Kildare, who had an opportunity of telling his own story. In consequence of what he had learned, the King resolved to appoint a Deputy unconnected with any Irish party; and fixed upon Sir Edward Poynings, whom he had already employed as envoy to the Archduke Philip, when remonstrating against the countenance given to Perkin in Flanders. While Archbishop Fitz-Simons was in England, Viscount Gormanston filled the office of Deputy, and even ventured to summons a Parliament; but the Duke of Bedford having in the meantime resigned the lieutenancy, his subst.i.tute's action was afterwards declared null and void.
[Sidenote: Sir Edward Poynings Deputy, 1494.]
Poynings landed at Howth on October 13, 1494, with 1,000 men. He was accompanied by Henry Dean, Bishop of Bangor and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, as Chancellor, by Sir Hugh Conway as Treasurer, and by three other Englishmen appointed to the chief places in the three common law courts. Joining his forces with those of Kildare and of Sir James Ormonde, Poynings immediately undertook an expedition to Ulster, with a view of chastising O'Donnell, who had lately been honourably received in Scotland, and was probably implicated in Perkin's project. When the army reached O'Hanlon's county, Sir James Ormonde persuaded the Deputy that Kildare was plotting with the Irish against his life, and some colour was given to the charge by the conduct of the Earl's brother James, who seized Carlow Castle, mounted the Geraldine banner, and refused to surrender when summoned in the King's name. Having with difficulty reduced Carlow, Poynings repaired to Drogheda, where he held a Parliament, whose legislation was destined to have a momentous effect on Irish history. The invasion of Ulster was abandoned, and Bacon, with the experience of the next century, summarily disposes of it as 'a wild chase on the wild Irish.'
[Sidenote: Parliament of Drogheda, 1494.]
The Acts of this Parliament of 1494 are numerous, many of them being intended to make the administration more directly dependent on the Crown.
Thus, the judges and other high officials were made to hold at the King's pleasure, instead of by patent as had been customary heretofore. It was made illegal for great men to retain free citizens and burgesses in their pay, or for anyone to make war without the governor's licence, or for anyone to stir up the Irish against the English. It was made unlawful to keep firearms without the Deputy's licence. The Statutes of Kilkenny were confirmed or re-enacted, with the exception of those against using the Irish language and those obliging every subject to ride in a saddle.
Family war cries, such as 'Butleraboo' and 'Cromaboo,' were strictly prohibited. Coyne and livery were visited with severe penalties; but advantageous terms were fixed, upon which the King might obtain provisions for his soldiers. All Acts against papal provisions theretofore made, either in England or Ireland, were declared to be in full force, though the Government had no means whatever of preventing them, or of making other arrangements for the vast majority of Irish benefices.[59]
[Sidenote: Poynings' Acts.]
The statutes known in after days as Poynings' Acts were two in number. By the first it was enacted that no future Parliaments should be held in Ireland, 'but at such season as the King's Lieutenant and Council there first do certify the King under the great seal of that land (Ireland), the causes and considerations, and all such acts as them seemeth should pa.s.s in the same Parliament.' Should the King in Council approve them, then the Irish Parliament should be summoned under the great seal of England, and not otherwise. By the second Act it was provided that all public statutes 'late made within the said realm of England' should be in force in Ireland. The lawyers decided that this applied to all English Acts prior to the tenth year of Henry VII. And thus the dependence of the Irish Parliament on that of England was established in the fullest degree.[60]
[Sidenote: Attainder of Kildare.]
Kildare was attainted by the Drogheda Parliament, the Act stating that he had provoked Irish enemies and English rebels to levy war against the King, that he had conspired with O'Hanlon to kill the Deputy, that he had caused his brother James to seize Carlow and hold it against the King, that he had used coyne and livery, and that he had conspired with the King of Scots and the Earl of Desmond for an invasion of Ireland. The Earl was arrested and sent to England, there to await Henry's own judgment on these and other matters. The chief of the southern Geraldines had in the meantime again given his adhesion to the cause of Perkin Warbeck.[61]
[Sidenote: Second visit of Perkin Warbeck. Siege of Waterford, 1495.]
Less than three weeks after his disgraceful failure in Kent, Perkin was with Desmond in Munster. Eleven s.h.i.+ps, of which some were Scotch, attacked Waterford from the river, while Desmond and his Irish allies with 2,400 men threatened the city from the southern side. Poynings marched against the invaders in person; but the real work was done by the mayor and citizens, who dammed the stream called John's River, so as to prevent Desmond from joining Perkin: while they battered the fleet with cannon planted on Reginald's Tower. They made several sallies, killed their prisoners, and stuck their heads on stakes in the market-place.
When the siege had lasted eleven days one of Perkin's s.h.i.+ps was sunk by the fire from the town, and the adventurer then fled precipitately. At least three vessels fell into the hands of the besieged or their allies, and the citizens followed Perkin to Cork, where his friends protected him. Afterwards he made his way to Scotland, where James IV. received him with the honours due to a prince, and gave him the hand of his cousin, Lady Catherine Gordon. James, who was of an ambitious and visionary turn of mind, may perhaps have thought it possible to restore the days of Bruce, and to conquer some part of Ireland for himself. Two successive O'Donnells acknowledged themselves his subjects, and with their help and that of sailors like the Bartons, Scotland might have disputed with England the possession of Northern Ireland at least. The elder Hugh O'Donnell, who died in 1505, was a man of considerable ability, the annalists, with their usual magniloquence, styling him the 'Augustus of the North of Europe;' and with more truth a.s.serting that he was the most powerful person in the North of Ireland.[62]
[Sidenote: Poynings leaves Ireland, 1496.]
Poynings quitted Ireland in January 1496, leaving the government in the Bishop of Bangor's hands. Important as was the recent legislation, it cannot be said that Henry had made any real change in the system of government. His great idea, like that of his descendants, was to make Ireland pay her own expenses, and for that purpose he sent over two able officers, with instructions to overhaul the entire system of government.
Plenty of zeal seems to have been shown, but the result was not encouraging. No year pa.s.sed in Ireland without some small war, and the established custom of hiring native mercenaries tended to prevent any improvement. Sir James Ormonde and other leaders found their account in constant disturbance, and expense always more than kept pace with revenue.[63]
[Sidenote: Friars employed by the Government.]
The accounts of Vice-Treasurer Hattecliffe, to whom Henry committed the control of Irish finance, seem to show that Poynings and others found a difficulty in obtaining the aid of subordinate officers. They had, however, a resource which Elizabeth lacked, in the power of employing priests and friars. Thus we find a Franciscan of Dublin sent to spy out the manners of the people inhabiting the marches of the Pale, and again acting as a messenger between the Council in Dublin and the Deputy in the field. A canon named John Staunton was sent to act as a spy 'in Munster and elsewhere about the Earl of Desmond, Perkin Warbeck, and other rebels.' On another occasion a Carmelite was the means of communication between the Government and Sir James Ormonde, and it is probable that many more of the messengers were clergymen, though the fact is not so mentioned.[64]
[Sidenote: Turbulence of the Geraldines. Restoration of Kildare, 1496.]
That there was no peace, and consequently no diminution of expense, is not to be altogether attributed to the rapacity of Sir James Ormonde and other leaders of kerne and gallowgla.s.ses. The Geraldines took care that the country should be disturbed during the Earl's absence, as we find by the following significant entry:--'Two s.h.i.+llings to Philip Messanger for carrying the Lord Justice's letters directed to Richard Paynteneye of Carbury, Edward Dowdall of Slane, to the sovereign of Athboy, and others, ordering them to have sundry fires made on sundry mountains--viz. the mountains of Tara, Lyons, Athboy, and Slane, to warn the King's lieges in case James, the Earl's son, and others the King's Irish enemies, should bring a power to invade the English districts.' Several other payments were made to the same messenger for services in connection with these Geraldine inroads, and Henry came gradually to think that Kildare did more harm as a prisoner than he could possibly do if he were at liberty. Whether the account of the Earl's behaviour at Court, which has been copied from the 'Book of Howth' into most histories, be true or not, there can be little doubt that Henry thought it better that he should rule all Ireland, than that he should have further opportunities of showing that all Ireland could not rule him. The gravest charge against him was that of conspiring with O'Hanlon to murder Poynings, and this was disposed of by the evidence of O'Hanlon. Prince Henry became t.i.tular Lord-Lieutenant, the attainder was reversed by the English Parliament, and Kildare received a commission as Lord Deputy under the King's son.
His first wife, Alison Eustace, is said to have died through the agitation caused by his imprisonment, and he now added to his influence by marrying Elizabeth St. John, the King's first cousin. Leaving his son Gerald as a hostage at the English Court, he returned to Dublin as soon as possible, received the sword from Deane, successfully invaded the O'Briens and Macnamaras, and was fully reconciled to the Archbishop of Armagh. The Great Seal was given to Fitzsimons, Archbishop of Dublin, a prelate who had the courage to tell Henry that a certain courtly orator flattered him too much. 'Our father of Dublin,' replied the King, 'we minded to find the same fault ourselves.'[65]
[Sidenote: Warbeck's third visit, 1497.]