Volume II Part 19 (1/2)
Lamartine said, ”Universal Suffrage is the first truth and only basis of every national republic.”
In regard to ”Taxation without representation,” Mr. Sumner quotes from Lord c.o.ke:
The Supreme Power cannot take from any man any part of his property _without consent in person, or by representation_.
Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by representation.
I can see no reason to doubt but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or s.h.i.+ps, or real or personal, fixed or floating, property in the colonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the colonies, as British subjects, _and as men_. I say men, for in a state of nature no man can take any property from me without my consent. _If he does, he deprives me of my liberty and makes me a slave._ The very act of taxing, exercised over those who are not represented, appears to me to deprive them of one of their most essential rights as freemen, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire disfranchis.e.m.e.nt of every civil right. For what one civil right is worth a rush, after a man's property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his consent?
In demanding suffrage for the black man you recognize the fact that as a freedman he is no longer a ”part of the family,” and that, therefore, his master is no longer his representative; hence, as he will now be liable to taxation, he must also have representation. Woman, on the contrary, has never been such a ”part of the family” as to escape taxation. Although there has been no formal proclamation giving her an individual existence, she has always had the right to property and wages, the right to make contracts and do business in her own name. And even married women, by recent legislation, have been secured in these civil rights. Woman now holds a vast amount of the property in the country, and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue included.
On what principle, then, do you deny her representation? By what process of reasoning Charles Sumner was able to stand up in the Senate, a few days after these sublime utterances, and rebuke 15,000,000 disfranchised tax-payers for the exercise of their right of pet.i.tion merely, is past understanding. If he felt that this was not the time for woman to even mention her right to representation, why did he not take breath in some of his splendid periods, and propose to release the poor s.h.i.+rtmakers, milliners and dressmakers, and all women of property, from the tyranny of taxation?
We propose no new theories. We simply ask that you secure to ALL the practical application of the immutable principles of our government, without distinction of race, color or s.e.x. And we urge our demand _now_, because you have the opportunity and the power to take this onward step in legislation. The nations of the earth stand watching and waiting to see if our Revolutionary idea, ”all men are created equal,” can be realized in government.
Crush not, we pray you, the million hopes that hang on our success. Peril not another b.l.o.o.d.y war. Men and parties must pa.s.s away, but justice is eternal. And they only who work in harmony with its laws are immortal. All who have carefully noted the proceedings of this Congress, and contrasted your speeches with those made under the old _regime_ of slavery, must have seen the added power and eloquence that greater freedom gives. But still you propose no action on your grand ideas. Your Joint Resolutions, your Reconstruction Reports, do not reflect your highest thought. The const.i.tution, in basing representation on ”respective numbers,” covers a broader ground than any you have yet proposed. Is not the only amendment needed to Article 1st, Section 3d, to strike out the exceptions which follow ”respective numbers?” And is it not your duty, by securing a republican form of government to every State, to see that these ”respective numbers” are made up of enfranchised citizens? Thus bringing your legislation up to the Const.i.tution--not the Const.i.tution down to your party possibilities!! The only tenable ground of representation is UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, as it is only through Universal Suffrage that the principle of ”Equal Rights to All”
can be realized. All prohibitions based on race, color, s.e.x, property, or education, are violations of the republican idea; and the various qualifications now proposed are but so many plausible pretexts to debar new cla.s.ses from the ballot-box. The limitations of property and intelligence, though unfair, can be met; as with freedom must come the repeal of statute-laws that deny schools and wages to the negro. So time makes him a voter.
But color and s.e.x! Neither time nor statutes can make black white, or woman man! You a.s.sume to be the representatives of 15,000,000 women--American citizens--who already possess every _attainable_ qualification for the ballot. Women read and write, hold many offices under government, pay taxes, and the penalties of crime, and yet are allowed to exercise but the one right of pet.i.tion.
For twenty years we have labored to bring the statute laws of the several States into harmony with the broad principles of the Const.i.tution, and have been so far successful that in many, little remains to be done but to secure the right of suffrage.
Hence, our prompt protest against the propositions before Congress to introduce the word ”male” into the Federal Const.i.tution, which, if successful, would block all State action in giving the ballot to woman. As the only way disfranchised citizens can appear before you, we availed ourselves of the sacred right of pet.i.tion. And, as our representatives, it was your duty to give those pet.i.tions a respectful reading and a serious consideration. How well a Republican Senate performed that duty, is already inscribed on the page of history. Some tell us it is not judicious to press the claims of women _now_; that this is not the time. Time? When you propose legislation so fatal to the best interests of woman and the nation, shall we be silent till the deed is done? No! As we love republican ideas, we must resist tyranny. As we honor the position of American Senator, we must appeal from the politician to the man.
With man, woman shared the dangers of the Mayflower on a stormy sea, the dreary landing on Plymouth Rock, the rigors of a New England winter, and the privations of a seven years' war. With him she bravely threw off the British yoke, felt every pulsation of his heart for freedom, and inspired the glowing eloquence that maintained it through the century. With you, we have just pa.s.sed through the agony and death, the resurrection and triumph, of another revolution, doing all in our power to mitigate its horrors and gild its glories. And now, think you we have no souls to fire, no brains to weigh your arguments; that, after education such as this, we can stand silent witnesses while you sell our birthright of liberty, to save from a timely death an effete political organization? No, as we respect womanhood, we must protest against this desecration of the magna charta of American liberties; and with an importunity not to be repelled, our demand must ever be: ”No compromise of human rights”--”No admission in the Const.i.tution of inequality of rights, or disfranchis.e.m.e.nt on account of color or s.e.x.”
In the oft-repeated experiments of cla.s.s and caste, who can number the nations that have risen but to fall? Do not imagine you come one line nearer the demand of justice by enfranchising but another shade of _man_hood; for, in denying representation to woman you still cling to the same principle on which all the governments of the past have been wrecked. The right way, the safe way, is so clear, the path of duty is so straight and simple, that we who are equally interested with yourselves in the result, conjure you to act not for the pa.s.sing hour, not with reference to transient benefits, but to do now the one grand deed that shall mark the progress of the century--proclaim EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL. We press our demand for the ballot at this time in no narrow, captious or selfish spirit; from no contempt of the black man's claims, nor antagonism with you, who in the progress of civilization are now the privileged order; but from the purest patriotism, for the highest good of every citizen, for the safety of the Republic, and as a spotless example to the nations of the earth.
Mr. Beecher was followed by Wendell Phillips, Frances Dana Gage, Frances Watkins Harper; the Financial Committee[64] meantime pa.s.sed through the audience for the material aid to carry forward the work.
Miss Anthony presented the following resolution, and moved its adoption, which was seconded by Martha C. Wright:
_Whereas_, By the act of Emanc.i.p.ation and the Civil Rights bill, the negro and woman now hold the same civil and political _status_, alike needing only the ballot; and whereas the same arguments apply equally to both cla.s.ses, proving all partial legislation fatal to republican inst.i.tutions, therefore,
_Resolved_, That the time has come for an organization that shall demand UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, and that hereafter we shall be known as the ”AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS a.s.sOCIATION.”
Miss ANTHONY said: Our friend Mrs. Mott desires me to explain the object of this change, which she would gladly do but for a severe cold, which prevents her from making herself heard. For twenty years we have pressed the claims of woman to the right of representation in the government. The first National Woman's Rights Convention was held in Worcester, Ma.s.s., in 1850, and each successive year conventions were held in different cities of the Free States--Worcester, Syracuse, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and New York--until the rebellion. Since then, till now, we have held no conventions. Up to this hour, we have looked to State action only for the recognition of our rights; but now, by the results of the war, the whole question of suffrage reverts back to Congress and the U. S. Const.i.tution. The duty of Congress at this moment is to declare what shall be the basis of representation in a republican form of government. There is, there can be, but one true basis; and that is that taxation must give representation; hence our demand must now go beyond woman--it must extend to the farthest bound of the principle of the ”consent of the governed,” as the only authorized or just government. We, therefore, wish to broaden our Woman's Rights platform, and make it in _name_--what it ever has been in _spirit_--a Human Rights platform. It has already been stated that we have pet.i.tioned Congress the past winter to so amend the Const.i.tution as to prohibit disfranchis.e.m.e.nt on account of s.e.x.
We were roused to this work by the several propositions to prohibit negro disfranchis.e.m.e.nt in the rebel States, which at the same time put up a new bar against the enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of women.
As women we can no longer _seem_ to claim for ourselves what we do not for others--nor can we work in two separate movements to get the ballot for the two disfranchised cla.s.ses--the negro and woman--since to do so must be at double cost of time, energy, and money.
New York is to hold a Const.i.tutional Convention the coming year.
We want to make a thorough canva.s.s of the entire State, with lectures, tracts, and pet.i.tions, and, if possible, create a public sentiment that shall send genuine Democrats and Republicans to that Convention who shall strike out from our Const.i.tution the two adjectives ”_white male_,” giving to every citizen, over twenty-one, the right to vote, and thus make the Empire State the first example of a true republican form of government. And what we propose to do in New York, the coming eighteen months, we hope to do in every other State so soon as we can get the men, and the women, and the money, to go forward with the work. Therefore, that we may henceforth concentrate all our forces for the practical application of our one grand, distinctive, national idea--UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE--I hope we will unanimously adopt the resolution before us, thus resolving this Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention into the ”AMERICAN EQUAL RIGHTS a.s.sOCIATION.”
The Resolution was unanimously adopted.
STEPHEN S. FOSTER said: I wish to suggest that it will be necessary, first, to adopt a form of Const.i.tution, and that it is a very important question. Upon it will depend much of the success of our movement. We have been deeply thrilled by the eloquence of our friend, Mr. Beecher. We have all felt that his utterances were the essential truth of G.o.d; and the bright picture he drew before us is a possibility, if we do our duty.
But this state of things will never be realized by us, unless it is from a united, persevering effort, giving a new impetus to the Woman's Rights movement. I think it necessary that we should have a more perfect organization than we can prepare this morning, at this late hour, and I therefore move that we adjourn to meet in the vestry this afternoon at four o'clock, to perfect an organization, and take such further measures for the prosecution of our cause as may then and there be deemed expedient. (The motion was carried.)
A large audience a.s.sembled in the Lecture-room, at four o'clock. Susan B. Anthony took the Chair and said, the first thing, in order to complete the new organization, would be to fix upon a form of Const.i.tution. Parker Pillsbury, from the Business Committee, reported one which was considered article by article, and adopted. There was an interesting discussion relative to the necessity of a preamble, in which the majority sympathized with LUCRETIA MOTT, who expressed herself specially desirous that there should be one, and that it should state the fact that this new organization was the outgrowth of the Woman's Rights movement. Mrs. Stanton gave her idea of what the preamble should be; and Mrs. Mott moved that Mrs. Stanton write out her thought, and that it be accepted as the preamble of the Const.i.tution.[65] The motion was adopted. Miss Anthony proposed a list of names as officers[66] of the a.s.sociation. Mrs. Stanton thanked the Convention for the honor proposed, to make her President, but said she should prefer to see Lucretia Mott in that office; that thus that office might ever be held sacred in the memory that it had first been filled by one so loved and honored by all. ”I shall be happy as Vice-President to relieve my dear friend of the arduous duties of her office, if she will but give us the blessing of her name as President.” Mrs. Stanton then moved that Mrs. Mott be the President, which was seconded by many voices, and carried by a unanimous vote.
Mrs. Mott, escorted to the Chair by Stephen S. Foster, remarked that her age and feebleness unfitted her for any public duties, but she rejoiced in the inauguration of a movement broad enough to cover cla.s.s, color, and s.e.x, and would be happy to give her name and influence, if thus she might encourage the young and strong to carry on the good work. On motion of Theodore Tilton, Mrs. Stanton was made first Vice-President. The rest of the names were approved.
Mrs. STANTON said, It had been the desire of her heart to see the Anti-Slavery and Woman's Rights organizations merged into an Equal Rights a.s.sociation, as the two questions were now one. With emanc.i.p.ation, all that the black man asks is the right of suffrage. With the special legislation of the last twenty years, all that woman asks is the right of suffrage. Hence it seems an unnecessary expenditure of force and substance for the same men and women to meet in convention on Tuesday to discuss the right of one cla.s.s to the ballot, and on Thursday to discuss the right of another cla.s.s to the same. Has not the time come, Mrs.
President, to bury the black man and the woman in the citizen, and our two organizations in the broader work of reconstruction?