Part 2 (1/2)
In the meantime Dr. Gregr founded the _Narodni Listy_ in Prague in November, 1860, to support the policy of Rieger, and in January, 1861, the latter, with the knowledge of Palack, concluded an agreement with Clam-Martinic on behalf of the Bohemian n.o.bility, by which the latter, recognising the rights of the Bohemian State to independence, undertook to support the Czech policy directed against the centralism of Vienna. The Bohemian n.o.bility, who were always indifferent in national matters and who had strong conservative and clerical leanings, concluded this pact with the Czech democrats purely for their own cla.s.s interests This unnatural alliance had a demoralising influence on the Old Czech Party and finally brought about its downfall.
The Czechs elected two delegates to the parliament summoned for April 29, 1861, while Hungary and Dalmatia sent none, so that the parliament had 203 instead of 343 deputies. In the Upper House the Czechs were represented by Palack. In the Lower House the Slavs, forming a united body, again found themselves in a hopeless minority which was absolutely powerless against the government. In June, 1863, the Czechs decided not to attend the chamber again, seeing that all hopes of a modification of the const.i.tution in the sense of the October Diploma were in vain. The government replied by depriving them of their mandates and by suspending the const.i.tution in 1865. A period of ”Sistierung,” that is of veiled absolutism, then set in.
4. In the meantime, a new political group came to the front in Bohemia, called the Young Czechs. The party was led by Sladkovsk, and had more democratic leanings than the Old Czechs. In the diet, however, the Czechs remained united in a single body. The Young Czechs opposed the policy of pa.s.sive resistance which the Old Czechs pursued for fully sixteen years, that is up to 1879. The Young Czechs clearly saw that it enabled Vienna to rule without the Czechs and against them. The Czechs, of course, still reckoned upon the break-up of Austria, although, as we shall see later on, they failed entirely to profit from Austria's difficulties in that period.
In 1865 Rieger openly warned Austria:
”Those who direct the destinies of Austria should remember that inst.i.tutions based on injustice and violence have no duration. If you desire to save Austria, the whole of Austria, you must make justice the basis of your policy towards the Slavs. Do not then say that we did not warn you. _Discite just.i.tiam moniti_.”
In the same sense also Palack warned the government against dualism, pointing out that if it were introduced it would inevitably lead to the break-up of Austria. Seeing that Austria did not listen to his warning, he later on declared that he no longer believed in the future of Austria, and added: ”We existed before Austria, we shall also exist after her.”
The greatest mistake the Czechs made was when in 1866, after the battle of Sadova, they thought that Austria would cease to be the bulwark of Pan-Germanism and would do justice to her subject Slavs, and thus become a protection against Germany. It is true that Austria did cease to be the head of the Pan-German Confederation, but instead of becoming a bulwark against Prussia, she became her faithful ally and obedient tool. The Czechs, who feared lest they should be annexed by Prussia, failed to grasp the subtle plans of Bismarck who in a short time succeeded in converting Austria into Germany's bridge to the East.
When the victorious Prussians entered Prague in 1866, they issued a proclamation to the Czechs recognising their right to independence. This proclamation was probably drafted by the Czech exile J.V. Fric, an ardent democrat who fled abroad after the abortive revolution of 1848. Fric, who was a man of keen sense for political reality and a great friend of the Poles, exerted all his influence with the Czech leaders to proclaim Bohemia independent, without an armed revolt, simply by means of a plebiscite, as he was aware that the ma.s.ses were always thoroughly anti-Austrian and desired nothing more than independence. He proposed to his fellow-countrymen to establish a monarchy, with some other dynasty than the Habsburgs on the throne, preferably the youngest son of the Italian king, Victor Emmanuel. Even while peace negotiations between Prussia and Austria were going on, he conducted an active propaganda and distributed a proclamation all over Bohemia in which he declared himself as ”the deadly enemy of the Habsburg dynasty and of Austrian militarism and bureaucracy”:
”The Hungarians are preparing, the Yugoslavs are ready. Let us come to a common agreement with them and we shall succeed. And when all the Austrian nations have been freed they may form a great federation on the basis of international law which will be an example to Europe. _A federation without the freedom and independence of the nations who form part of it is an empty dream. Let him who desires a federation work for the independence of his nation first_. It is not a question of a revolution, it is a question of a public proclamation of the Czech nation so that Europe may realise that we live and what we want. Europe will surely lend us a helping hand, but she expects us to ask for it.
Let us therefore, my brother Czecho-Slovaks, proclaim aloud, so that the whole world may hear us: '_We do not want Austria because we realise that she not only does no good to us, but directly threatens our very existence. We are able to and want to maintain an independent state existence without Austria_.”
Unfortunately, however, the Czech leaders at that time did not follow Fric's advice and, as we have already pointed out, they fell into Bismarck's trap.
In November, 1866, the Bohemian Diet uttered a warning against the danger of dualism, pointing out that Bohemia had the same right to independence as Hungary. Relying upon the support of the other Slav races of Austria, the Czechs declared they would never enter the Reichsrat.
In February, 1867, Beust concluded an agreement with Hungary, and on December 21 the ”December Const.i.tution” was introduced. Thus _dualism_ became a _fait accompli_.
5. Exasperated by this step, the Czech leaders visited Moscow in the same year and fraternised with the Russians, thus showing their hostility to Austria. In 1868 they published an eloquent declaration, written by Rieger, declaring that they would never recognise dualism and emphasising Bohemia's right to independence. When Francis Joseph visited Prague in the same year, people left the city in crowds, anti-Austrian demonstrations were held throughout the country, and flowers were laid on the spot where prominent members of the Bohemian n.o.bility had been executed by the Austrians in 1621.
Vienna answered by fierce reprisals. Baron Koller was sent to Prague where a state of siege was proclaimed. Czech papers were suppressed, and their editors imprisoned. This only strengthened Czech opposition. The pa.s.sive policy of the Old Czechs gained popularity and the Czechs did not even attend the Bohemian Diet. Finally, when the Franco-Prussian War was imminent, the dynasty was forced to yield, and Potocki began to negotiate with the Czechs.
Meanwhile the Czechs again entered the Bohemian Diet on the day of the battle of Sedan, August 30, 1870, and issued a declaration of rights with which also the Bohemian n.o.bility for the first time publicly identified themselves. On December 8, 1870, the Czechs (without the n.o.bility) presented the Imperial Chancellor, Beust, with a memorandum on Austrian foreign policy, declaring their sympathy with France and Russia and protesting against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine and against an alliance of Austria with Germany.
In February, 1871, Hohenwart was appointed Minister President with the object of conciliating the Czechs, and Francis Joseph addressed to them an imperial proclamation, called the ”September Rescript,” in which he declared:--
”Remembering the const.i.tutional ('Staatsrechtliche') position of the Crown of Bohemia and the glory and power which the same has lent to Us and Our ancestors, remembering further the unswerving loyalty with which the population of Bohemia at all times supported Our throne, We gladly recognise the rights of this Kingdom and We are ready to acknowledge this recognition by Our solemn Royal Oath.”
It is well known, of course, that Francis Joseph did not keep his word and was never crowned King of Bohemia.
6. In answer to the rescript, the Czechs formulated their demands in the so-called ”fundamental articles,” the main point of which was that the Bohemian Diet should directly elect deputies to the delegations. The _Narodni Listy_ declared that the ”fundamental articles” meant minimum demands, and that the Czechs would in any case work ”for the attainment of an independent Czecho-Slovak state, as desired by the whole nation.”
At this stage Berlin and Budapest intervened. The emperor yielded to the advice of William I. and Andra.s.sy, and signed an unfavourable reply to the Czech address on October 30, 1871. Czech opposition was now openly directed against the dynasty. Hohenwart resigned on October 27. In November, Baron Koller was again appointed Governor of Bohemia and repressive methods of administration were once more introduced.
In 1873 elections were held, marked by violence and corruption.
Notwithstanding the pa.s.sive resistance of Czech deputies, the parliament continued to meet in Vienna. In 1878 Austria occupied Bosnia and thus inaugurated the conquest of the Balkans for Germany. In 1879 Count Taaffe at last induced the Czechs to abandon their policy of ”pa.s.sive resistance”
and to enter the parliament in return for some administrative and other concessions, including a Czech university. On September 9, the Czechs, united in a party of fifty-two members, entered the Reichsrat to maintain their protest against the dual system.
7. In parliament it became clear that the Old Czech Party, now led by Rieger, was inclined to be too conservative and too opportunist. In 1887 the Young Czechs left the national party and entered into opposition. Their party grew steadily, and during the elections in 1889 gained a decided victory in the country districts. The Old Czechs finally sealed their fate when, in 1890, they concluded an unfavourable agreement with the Germans, called the _punctations_, to the detriment of Czech interests and of the integrity of Bohemia. This roused popular indignation throughout Bohemia and brought about the complete collapse of the Old Czech Party.
At the same time the so-called _”Realist” movement_ originated in Bohemia, led by Professor Masaryk, Professor Kaizl and Dr. Kramar. It was not a separate party movement, but a philosophic effort for a regenerated democratic national policy. The Realists demanded a practical, forward movement, such as would at last secure independence for the Czechs. In 1890 the Realists published their programme and joined the Young Czechs. This meant the end of the political career of Rieger and the Old Czechs.
8. In parliament the Young Czechs inaugurated a radical anti-German policy.
In 1891 they openly attacked the Triple Alliance, and in 1892 Dr. Menger called Masaryk a traitor for his outspoken defence of the right of Bohemia to independence.
A _Radical movement_ was also started at this time in Bohemia, mainly by students and advanced workers of the Young Czech Party, which called itself ”Omladina” (Czech word for ”youth”). Its object was to rouse the young generation against Austria. In 1893 anti-dynastic demonstrations were organised by the ”Omladina.” A state of siege was proclaimed in Prague and seventy-seven members of this ”secret society” were arrested; sixty-eight of them, including Dr. Rasin, were condemned for high treason, and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.