Part 9 (1/2)
The declaration of deputy Stanek was completed by a statement of deputy Kalina who made it quite clear that the Czechs refuse responsibility for the war, and that their sympathies are with the Entente. Kalina, a prominent leader of the State Right Party, said:
”As deputies elected by the Czech nation, _we absolutely reject every responsibility for this war_.
”After three years, the government has summoned the _Reichsrat, which the Czechs never recognised_, and against which, as well as against the so-called const.i.tution, they again make a formal protest. The great Russian Revolution forced the government to a plausible restoration of const.i.tutional life.
”_The Czech nation hails with unbounded joy and enthusiasm the liberation of Eastern Europe_. The main principles of that memorable Revolution are closely related to our own traditions, _i.e._ to the principle of _liberty, equality and fraternity of all nations_. Bohemia is a free country. Never in her history did she accept laws from aliens, not even from her powerful neighbours in Europe. Liberty of individuals, liberty of nations is again our motto which the nation of Hussites is bringing before the world. In these historic moments, when from the blood-deluged battlefields a new Europe is arising, and the idea of the sovereignty of nations and nationalities is triumphantly marching throughout the Continent, _the Czech nation solemnly declares before the world its firm will for liberty and independence_ on the ground of the ancient historic rights of the Bohemian Crown. In demanding independence, the Czech nation asks, in the sense of the new democracy, for the extension of the right of self-determination to the whole Czecho-Slovak nation.”
_(b) Courageous Speeches delivered by Czech Deputies in the Reichsrat_
During the subsequent session of the Reichsrat, various Czech deputies, representing all the Czech parties, made declarations, some of which we will quote in order to show the remarkable unanimity of the Czechs in their opposition to Austria and in their demand for independence. _It was chiefly this unanimity of all Czech parties and cla.s.ses in Bohemia and the absolute harmony between their action and the Czecho-Slovak action abroad which formed the real strength of the movement_.
_Dr. Stransk_, leader of the Moravian People's Party, delivered a long speech in the Reichsrat on June 12, 1917, from which we quote the following significant pa.s.sages:
”The Germans say that germanisation is not carried out except where it is in the interests of the state. We do not think that the interests of the state should go first. If the interests of a state are not identical with the liberties and interests of a nation, then _such a state has for that nation no right to exist_.
”If Clam-Martinic thinks that we will enter the Reichsrat which the Polish deputies would not attend in their present strength, then he is greatly mistaken. We heartily wish the Poles to achieve their national independence, but should we be denied an equal right, then it would mean an end to this Reichsrat. We want to enjoy the same happiness as the rest, _we want to be free from all oppression, from all foreign domination. We want to decide for ourselves the form of our political existence_. We want to choose our own laws, we want to govern ourselves. _We claim the rest.i.tution of our political independence and of the supreme historic right of the Czech nation in the lands of the Bohemian Crown. The time is ripe also when the Austrian fortresses of St. Peter and St. Paul will open, and when their prisoners will change places with their persecutors. The state and dynasty have lately taken away the rights and liberties of our nation and trampled them underfoot_.”
On June 15, the National Socialist deputy _Stribrn_, openly demanded the creation of a Czecho-Slovak Republic:
”The German annexationist plans are doomed. The Czechs greet with joy the new era of equality and fraternity, an era in which a _democratic republic_ is considered as the best form of government. The Czechs demand the creation of a Bohemia in which they will possess their own independent government. _Too long have they been oppressed by Austria, and now they are determined to achieve their national liberty_.”
On June 26, _Dr. Soukup_, the leader of the Czecho-Slav Social Democratic Party, made an equally remarkable statement:
”As a Social Democrat I say that we, the Czecho-Slovak nation, have also a right to a place in the sun, and we want to be seen. Do you consider that a nation numbering over ten million and boasting of a highly developed civilisation can continue to breathe under such oppressive conditions, seeing what an important role is being played by four million Bulgars, two million Greeks, two million Danes and other small nations? _We welcome the resurrection of the great and united Polish State, we witness the great Yugoslav nation shaping its boundaries along the Adriatic, and we also see Ukrainia arising. At such moments we want to live as well, and we will live_!”
_(c) After the Amnesty_
The political amnesty of July, 1917, intended to appease the Slavs, had just the opposite effect: it only strengthened the Slav resistance which acquired fresh strength and impetus by the return of the old leaders.
Kramar was hailed like a sovereign when he entered Prague again. He now became the recognised leader of the whole nation. The _Narodni Listy_ became the mouthpiece of all the most eminent leaders of the nation without party distinction. Its issue of October 31, 1917, contained a map of the future independent Czecho-Slovak State and a series of articles. We will quote only a few pa.s.sages from an article written by deputy Rasin which read as follows:
”The war has brought our problem home not only to us but to the whole world. Nothing could have better expressed our situation than the propaganda of Mitteleuropa. Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria had to form a bridge for the imperialistic march of Germany to the Persian Gulf _via_ Constantinople and Bagdad. The Czechs and Yugoslavs were to be crushed and become the victims of those plans. This was the ideal that the German nation considered as its war aim and as a war aim of Austria-Hungary. They could not have obtained a better reply than was given to them by the Czechs and Yugoslavs in their demand for their own independent states, which would be able to form a permanent bulwark against the _Drang nach Osten_ as planned by the Germans and Magyars.
Even if Herr Naumann ceases to promote the idea of Central Europe, in reality _a new programme which would do away with the old evils and a.s.sign a new mission to Austria-Hungary is inconceivable_. All the declarations of the government are only destined to conceal their real intentions. The German-Magyar hegemony is as strong as ever, and the Polish question is to be solved only according to the Pan-German programme. During this war Austria's real face has been unmasked before the whole world by her persecutions, arbitrary decrees and the Pan-German propaganda.
”The Czechs, who in their policy always went hand in hand with the Yugoslavs, saw all this, and consequently the only thing left for them to do is to insist on their att.i.tude, constantly to reveal Austria's insincerity, to reject all pretty phrases without any meaning in them, and all compromises, which we know would never be kept. _We also must reject a compromise peace which would lead to fresh wars_.
”_The policy of the Czechs cannot but aim at the absolute independence of the whole Czecho-Slovak nation_, and all our action at home and abroad must tend towards persuading the world that only thus can a stable peace in Europe be achieved.”
It was about this time also when Seidler made desperate attempts to induce the Slav leaders to partic.i.p.ate in a special commission for the revision of the Austrian Const.i.tution. Dr. Stransk, speaking in the name of the Czechs, openly refused the proposal, declaring that the Czech problem could not be solved by Austria, but only by the Peace Conference, that is after the victory of the Entente. A joint committee of representatives of the Young Czech, National Socialist, Progressive Independence and Moravian Progressive Parties issued a proclamation protesting against any partic.i.p.ation of Czechs in Austrian politics, and declaring that since the Czech question is an international one and can therefore be decided only at the Peace Conference, the duty of the Czech deputies is not to a.s.sist in the revision of the Austrian Const.i.tution, but to insist upon the creation of an ”_independent Czecho-Slovak State with all the attributes of sovereignty_.”
Simultaneously also the Czech Agrarian deputy, _Zahradnik_, made the following remarkable declaration in the Reichsrat on September 26:
”In view of the prevailing policy directed against the Czech people, can any one wonder that _they have lost all confidence in Vienna_ and that they refuse to let this parliament decide their fate? _It is necessary to secure for all peoples, great or small, the right to decide their own destinies_. This applies also to the ten million Czecho-Slovaks who, moreover, cannot rightly be considered merely as a 'small' nation: the Czechs, too, do not desire anything more than peace, but it must not be forgotten _that our men did not shed their blood merely for imperialism or for Pan-Germanism. We do not want anything but an honourable peace which would bring equality to all peoples_, a peace a.s.suring liberty and equality to all, and not a peace which would leave our fetters unbroken. We regret that the Pope omitted to mention the Czechs in his peace offer although he mentioned the Poles. _But we shall obtain our right without alien support. The Czechs will never swerve from their demand for an independent Slovak State with all the attributes of sovereignty. The Czechs are convinced that the question of Bohemia is too great to be solved in Vienna. It must be decided at the Peace Conference_.”
On November 9, deputy Stanek made it clear that the Czecho-Slovaks expect the resurrection of their independence only from the break-up of Austria:
”We cannot conceive of peace or of the transformation of Europe except when _on the ruins of the Dual Monarchy_ new national states shall arise. The German-Magyar misrule must be destroyed.”
And when on November 21 Seidler talked about the peace conditions of the ”enemy,” Dr. Stransk interrupted him by exclaiming, ”Our enemies are here, in Vienna and in Budapest!”