Part 6 (1/2)

'And if the Devil come and roar for them, We will not send them”

The result would have beenadvantage,--that of keeping Mason and Slidell at Fort Warren a little longer,--we should have turned our backs on all the principles ed to accept a war at an enore

But I hardly dared to hope that we should have obtained such a victory as we have done To have disavowed the illegal transaction at once,--before any deland,--to have placed that disavowal on the broad ground of principle which we have always cherished, and thus with a clear conscience, and to our entire honor, to have kept ourselves clear froiven the Confederacy the invincible alliance of England,--was exactly what our ene But we have done it in the handsomest manner, and there is not one liberal heart in this hemisphere that is not rejoiced, nor one hater of us and of our institutions that is not gnashi+ng his teeth with rage

The letter of ten close pages froes is full of confidential infor statesht feel authorized in disobeying its injunctions of privacy I must quote one other sentence, as it shows his aniuished states in very hard terms by an obscure writer whose intent was to har of the Trent affair, Mr Motley says: ”The English prened Secretary of State, of whoht to say, with Sir Henry Wotton,--

'His arht, And simple truth his ut letter:

'I wish I could bore you about so else worth thinking of in the world All else is leather and prunella We are living over again the days of the Dutchlishes, was of si but the great conflict He was alive to every report fro too with passionate fears or hopes, as the case ht be, to the whispers not yet audible to the world which passed fro the course of events from the other side of the Atlantic with the sweet co in the storanization which they felt to be a standing s in their older co letter will be found to have a special interest from the time at which they ritten

LEGATION OF U S A, VIENNA, February 26, 1862

MY DEAR HOLMES,--I take great pleasure in reading your prophecies, and intend to be just as free in hazarding uesses at the future, and no one but an idiot would be discouraged at finding hinally right in any of your predictions, be sure that I will congratulate and applaud If you ain, and I proence fro a coerousThe ides of March will be upon us before this letter reaches you We have got to squash the rebellion soon, or be squashed forever as a nation I don't pretend to judge enerals

But, as you suggest, perhaps I can take a le at this great distance than do those absolutely acting and suffering on the scene Nor can I resist the desire to prophesy anythat I er con interference What will prevent that?

Our utterly defeating the Confederates in soreat and conclusive battle; or,

Our possession of the cotton ports and opening them to European trade; or,

A most unequivocal policy of slave emancipation

Any one of these three conditions would stave off recognition by foreign powers, until we had ourselves abandoned the attempt to reduce the South to obedience

The last oing to ith the United States governainst our will the invincible weapon which constitutional reasons had hitherto forbidden us to eiven us the power to re to four millions of the hued to acquiesce

We are threatened with national annihilation, and defied to use the only means of national preservation The question is distinctly proposed to us, Shall Slavery die, or the great Republic? It isto me that there can be two opinions in the free States as to the answer

If we do fall, we deserve our fate At the beginning of the contest, constitutional scruples ate the South; that is, Slavery We are fighting for nothing else that I know of We are fighting for the Union Who wishes to destroy the Union? The slaveholder, nobody else Are we to spend twelve hundred millions, and raise six hundred thousand soldiers, in order to protect slavery? It really does see for the co of ours on end by s about in every direction until that is done I don't know that it is to be done by proclamation Rather perhaps by factsWell, I consolethat the people--the American people, at least --is about as wise collectively as less numerous collections of individuals, and that the people has really declared e how to carry it into effect After all, it seeress should be by a spiral moveoing ahead I a itself to death With slavery in its pristine vigor, I should think the restored Union neither possible nor desirable Don't understand ical considerations against prereat subject

But are there any trustworthy friends to the Union a the slaveholders? Should we lose inians who are noith us, if we boldly confiscated the slaves of all rebels?

--and a confiscation of property which has legs and so confiscates itself, at coal, but would prove a very practical , I think, when 'Thorough' should be written on all our banners Slavery will never accept a subordinate position The great Republic and Slavery cannot both survive We have been defied to mortal cohts on this great subject Perhaps you will think them crude

I was much struck hat you quote from Mr Conway, that if emancipation was proclairoes of Louisiana in advance of the telegraph And if once the blacks had leave to run, how uard their dissolving property?

You have had enough of ive all our kindest regards to Lowell, and to express our ad too extravagant language if I say all I think about it Was there ever anything orous, es the essence of a hundred diplomatic papers and historical disquisitions and Fourth of July orations I was dining a day or two since with his friend Lytton (Bulwer's son, attache here) and Julian Fane (secretary of the ereat adlow Papers;” they begged me to send them the Mason and Slidell Idyl, but I wouldn't,--I don't think it is in English nature (although theirs is very cosmopolitan and liberal) to take such punishot it in soht voluntarily

I have very pleasant relations with all the J B's here They are all friendly and well disposed to the North,--I speak of the embassy, which, with the aht or ten souls, some of them very intellectual ones There are no other J B's here I have no fear at present of foreign interference

We have got three or four months to do our work in,--a fair field and no favor There is no question whatever that the Southern cohly snubbed in London and Paris

There is to be a blockade debate in Parliament next week, but no bad consequences are to be apprehended The Duke de Gramont (French ambassador, and an intiht that it was entirely false that the Eovernment to break the blockade ”Don't believe it,--don't believe a word of it,” he said He has always held that language to me He added that Prince Napoleon had just co speech about us,--you will see it, doubtless, before you get this letter,--but it has not yet reached us